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Let us assume a report of the nature described in the American proposals is placed before the Security Council, together with such additions thereto as this body may desire. In it there will not be found a derogation of the dignity or might of any nation. On the contrary, the plan will build up, in all the world, a new and greater strength and dignity based on the faith that at last security is in sight; that at last men can walk erect again, no longer bent over by the numbing fear the atom bomb strikes into their hearts.

The price we have set upon the surrender of the absolute weapon is a declaration of peaceful intent and of interdependence among the nations of the world, expressed in terms of faith and given strength by sanctions—punishments to be meted out by concerted action against wilful offenders. That is one of the great principles of the United Nations—justice for all, supported by force. But there can be no unilateral disarmament by which America gives up the bomb, to no result except our own weakening. That shall never be.

It is for us to accept, or to reject-if we dare, this doctrine of salvation. It springs from stark necessity, and that is inexorable. My country, first to lay down a plan of cooperative control, welcomes the support of those countries which have already indicated their affirmative positions. We hope for the adherence of all.

We seek especially the participation of the Soviet Union. We welcome the recent authoritative statements of its highest representatives. From these, we are justified in concluding that it no longer regards the original American proposals unacceptable, as a whole or in their separate parts, as its member of this body stated at an earlier meeting

I repeat-we welcome cooperation but we stand upon our basic principles even if we stand alone. We shall not be satisfied with pious protestations lulling the peoples into a false sense of security. We aim at an effective plan of control and will not accept anything else.

The time for action is here. Each of us perceives clearly what must be done. We may differ as to detail. We are in accord as to purpose. To the achievement of that purpose, I present a program in the form of resolutions, which have been placed before you.

I do not ask you to discuss or vote on these proposals at this time. They are now presented for your study and consideration. But I do ask the Chairman to call a meeting of this Commission, as early as convenient, to debate, if necessary, and to act upon the findings and recommendations contained in these resolutions, so that the position each nation takes on them may be recorded in this Commission's report which must be drafted by December 20, and presented to the Security Council by December 31.

I shall now read these resolutions.1

* See supplement.

Baruch, United States Representative, to the

Atomic Energy Commission

December 17, 1946

MR. CHAIRMAN:

Speaking for the United States, I propose to move the adoption of the Resolutions submitted to this body on Thursday, December 5. But before I do so, I would like to say a few words.

First of all, I should like to express, for each of us, our thanks to Mr. Alexandre Parodi, our retiring Chairman, and to his associate, Mr. François de Rose, who presided over the informal conversations, for their distinguished work. Also, I welcome Dr. Manuel SandovalVallarta, who brings his unusual talents to the chair for the current month.

Now I respectfully urge two claims upon your attention: The first is, to adopt and proclaim these basic principles, that have forced themselves upon us from the work on which we are engaged. The second is, to proceed to do it now. The time has come to match our words with action.

Our course is not wholly in the field of free choice. We are under compulsions placed upon us by the General Assembly. The great and solemn debate held by that body on disarmament was closed last Saturday night, with an expression of unanimous support by all the nations represented. It is a declaration that may be that should be—that must be high in historical importance because of its effect upon all the peoples of all the world now, and in the days to come.

A new spirit has come into being. It is our privilege and duty to give flesh to that spirit. The injunction has been laid upon the Atomic Energy Commission to proceed expeditiously to the development of a formula of action. It is with that thought in mind that I requested the Chairman of this group to call us together.

Let me point out to you that in placing these Resolutions before you, our sole purpose is to develop, in broad outline, the vital principles on which we are to proceed. The Commission itself should pass upon and decide these vital matters.

Passage of these Resolutions by the Commission would be, in effect, an instruction to Committee No. 2 to include the findings and recommendations which we approve, with such others as Committee No. 2

a

is prepared to recommend, in the draft report that it has been instructed to submit to us by December 20. Their inclusion in the draft report would be mandatory but not exclusive. Committee No. 2 would remain free to add additional findings and recommendations arising from their very valuable work. In other words, we are laying down certain principles to be included, by Committee No. 2, in the draft which we have directed them to submit to us. We do not attempt to exclude from that draft such other material as Committee No. 2

deems proper.

I doubt whether any public body ever devoted itself to its assignment with greater assiduity; with deeper understanding; and with finer devotion than has characterized this Commission since the beginning of its work. This is particularly true of the members of our Scientific and Technical Committee, who have contributed so greatly toward clarifying our understanding of this vast and complicated subject.

The further survey of the practical and operational elements of the problem by the informal group composed of our political and scientific advisers points towards a vital and, I hope, unanimous conclusion: For the protection of the world against the destructive uses of atomic energy there must be brought into existence an international control agency. Their discussions have been particularly valuable in giving an intimate and practical insight into the type and nature of controls appropriate to the various phases of atomic energy production. Thus, I need not argue these principles in detail. They are known to each and every one of us.

Upon rendering its report to the Security Council, the Commission will have completed the first stage of its assigned task. It will then, presumably, turn to the difficult questions of the organization, functions, powers, and the relations of the proposed international control agency to the United Nations and to the several states. However, before such discussions can be fruitfully undertaken, we must first establish a general framework within which the solutions will be sought. We need a determination of policy on the basis of which we can elaborate in detail the characteristics which an international control agency must have if it is effectively to fulfil our mandate. The resolutions proposed by the United States are offered to provide such a basis, in order that the work of this Commission may continue fruitfully and its past efforts not be lost. I am sure you will accept my proposals in this spirit.

I hope it is not amiss for me to point out, as a source of pride to all of us, that the comprehensive, many-sided debates in the General Assembly followed closely the proposals first outlined in this Commission. In fact, the lines of discussion paralleled the suggestions contained in the United States proposals at our first meeting. We were all of us seeking the same goal, but it fell to the lot of my country, first, to put the ideas we all held into words we can all accept.

We have no pride of authorship, but we cannot, in justice to our trust, accept changes in purpose. We have debated long enough. Much of the discussion engendered by these suggestions already has taken place in the Assembly. The proof of their acceptance lies in the General Assembly Resolutions unanimously adopted Saturday, following strong supporting speeches by Messrs. Molotov and Bevin. The indication of our remaining duty was contained in the speech made by Mr. Byrnes, Secretary of State of the United States, on Friday night. He, it was, who brought the United Nations and the public, which is so deeply interested in this Commission, to a refreshed understanding of the fact that abstractions have been debated, and it is now up to us—the Atomic Energy Commission—to present an immediate, a practical, and a realistic program.

a The mandate, creating us, puts within our terrain, not merely the elimination of the atomic weapon from future wars, not merely the dis posal of existing stocks and the beneficial development of the energybut, of equal importance, it asks the development of measures to prevent the use of other instruments of mass destruction.

It is my thought that these Resolutions are to be acted upon at this time. We have accepted the duty, and we must proceed promptly to its fulfilment. We believe, and our work follows this belief, that the best way of gaining our objective is to do first things first. In the very forefront of that effort lies the control of atomic energy. If we are able, satisfactorily, to solve that vast problem, the others will come easier. As I have said, the man who says “A” can be taught to say the rest of the alphabet. This is to be a treaty that is meant to be kept. This is to be a pro

a gram for which the world has striven through all recorded history, and even before—for man, in his soul, is peaceful and life-loving. Deep inside of him, he knows that he can live in security only by the force of law and never by the law of force.

Before formally moving the adoption of the Resolutions, with which you are familiar, I would very much appreciate it, Mr. Chair

you and the Commission would extend me a personal courtesy. There are three short changes in the language of these Resolutions as distributed on December 5 which, in the interest of clarity, I would like to incorporate into the Resolutions before I move their adoption. None of these changes alters their purpose.

The first change involves adding to the second paragraph of 3 (a) of the recommendations, the following sentence: "Atomic research for

man, if

See supplement.

peaceful purposes by national agencies shall be subject to appropriate safeguards established by the international authority.

The second change involves substituting in place of the last sentence of the second paragraph of 3 (e) the following sentence: “In dealing with such violations, a violator of the terms of the treaty should not be protected from the consequences of his wrong-doing by the exercise of any power of veto."

The third change involves deleting the words "the control of” which occurred twice in the third paragraph of section 3 (a).

Copies including these changes have been placed before all Members of the Commission by the Secretariat.

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