fortunate course of affairs, that our Nothing is to be despaired of. LETTER XI Beloved Countrymen, A FARMER. piness of these provinces indubitably consists in their connection with Great Britain, any separation between them is less likely to be occasioned by civil discords, if every disgusting measure is opposed singly, and while it is new; for in this manner of proceeding, every such measure is most likely to be rectified. On the other hand, oppressions and dissatisfactions being permitted to accumulate-if ever the governed throw off the load, they will do more. A people does not reform with moderation. The rights of the subject therefore cannot be too often considered, explained, or asserted; and whoever attempts to do this, shews himself, whatever may be the rash and peevish reflections of pretended wisdom, and pretended duty, a friend to 20 those who injudiciously exercise their power, as well as to them over whom it is so exercised. I have several times, in the course of these letters, mentioned the late act of parliament, as being the foundation of future measures injurious to these 30 colonies; and the belief of this truth I wish to prevail, because I think it necessary to our safety. Had all the points of prerogative claimed by Charles I. been separately 25 contested and settled in preceding reigns. his fate would in all probability have been very different, and the people would have been content with that liberty which is compatible with regal authority. But he thought, it would be as dangerous for him to give up the powers which at any time had been by usurpation exercised by the crown, as those that were legally vested in it. This produced an equal excess on the part of the people. For when their passions were excited by multiplied grievances, they thought it would be as dangerous for them, to allow the powers that were legally vested in the crown, as those which at any time had been by usurpation exercised by it. Acts, that might by themselves have been upon many considerations excused or extenuated, derived a contagious malignancy and odium from other acts, with which they were connected. They were not regarded according to the simple force of each, but as parts of a system of oppression. Every one therefore, however small in itself, being alarming, as an additional evidence of tyrannical designs. It was in vain for prudent and moderate men to insist, that there was no necessity to abolish royalty. Nothing less than the utter destruction of monarchy, could satisfy those who had suffered, and thought they had reason to believe, they always should suffer under it. A perpetual jealousy respecting liberty, is absolutely requisite in all free 35 states. The very texture of their constitution, in mixt governments, demands it. For the cautions with which power is distributed among the several orders, imply, that each has that share which is 40 proper for the general welfare, and therefore, that any further imposition must be pernicious. Machiavel employs a whole chapter in his discourses, to prove that a state, to be long lived, must be 45 frequently corrected, and reduced to its first principles. But of all states that have existed, there never was any, in which this jealousy could be more proper than in these colonies. For the 50 government here is not only mixt, but dependant, which circumstance OCcasions a peculiarity in its form, of a very delicate nature. Two reasons induce me to desire, that 55 this spirit of apprehension may be always kept up among us, in its utmost vigilance. The first is this, that as the hap The consequences of these mutual distrusts are well known: but there is no other people mentioned in history, that I recollect, who have been so constantly watchful of their liberty, and so successful in their struggles for it, as the English. This consideration leads me to the second reason, why I "desire that the spirit of apprehension may be always kept up among us in its utmost vigilance." 5 to complain and enquire-but too late.They find their oppressors so strengthened by success, and themselves so entangled in examples of express authority on the part of their rulers, and of tacit recognition on their own part, that they are quite confounded: for millions entertain no other idea of the legality of power, than that it is founded on the 10 exercise of power. They voluntarily fasten their chains, by adopting a pusillanimous opinion, "that there will be too much danger in attempting a remedy," or another opinion no less fatal, "that the government has a right to treat them as it does." They then seek a wretched relief for their minds, by persuading themselves, that to yield their obedience is to discharge their duty. The deplorable poverty of spirit, that prostrates all the dignity bestowed by divine providence on our nature-of course succeeds. The first principles of government are to be looked for in human nature. Some of the best writers have asserted, and it seems with good reason, that 15 "government is founded on opinion." Custom undoubtedly has a mighty force in producing opinion, and reigns in nothing more arbitrarily than in public affairs. It gradually reconciles us to 20 objects even of dread and detestation; and I cannot. but think these lines of Mr. Pope, as applicable to vice in politics, as to vice in ethics. "Vice is a monster of so horrid mien, As to be hated, needs but to be seen; Yet seen too oft, familiar with her face, We first endure, then pity, then embrace." From these reflections I conclude, that every free state should incessantly 25 watch, and instantly take alarm on any addition being made to the power exercised over them, innumerable instances might be produced to shew, from what slight beginnings the most extensive consequences have flowed; but I shall select two only from the history of England. 30 When an act injurious to freedom has been once done, and the people bear it, the repetition of it is most likely to meet with submission. For as the mischief of the one was found to be tolerable, they 35 will hope that of the second will prove so too; and they will not regard the infamy of the last, because they are stained with that of the first. Indeed, nations in general, are not apt 40 to think until they feel; and therefore nations in general have lost their liberty: for as violations of the rights of the governed, are commonly only specious, but small at the beginning, they spread 45 over the multitude in such a manner, as to touch individuals but slightly. Thus they are disregarded. The power or profit that arises from these violations, centering in few persons, is to them con- 50 siderable. For this reason the governors having in view their particular purposes, successively preserve an uniformity of conduct for attaining them. They regularly increase and multiply the first 55 injuries, till at length the inattentive people are compelled to perceive the heaviness of their burdens. They begin 66 Henry the seventh was the first monarch of that kingdom who established a standing body of armed men. This was a band of fifty archers, called yeomen of the guard: and this institution, notwithstanding the smallness of the number, was to prevent, discontent, disguised under the pretence of majesty and grandeur." In 1684, the standing forces were so much augmented, that Rapin says "The King, in order to make his people fully sensible of their new slavery, affected to muster his troops, which amounted to 4,000 well armed and disciplined men." I think our army, at this time, consists of more than seventy regiments. The method of taxing by excise was first introduced amidst the convulsions of civil wars. Extreme necessity was pretended, and its short continuance promised. After the restoration, an excise upon beer, ale and other liquors, was granted to the King, one half in fee, the other for life, as an equivalent for the court of wards. Upon James. the second's accession, the parliament gave him the first excise, with an additional duty on wine, tobacco, and some other things. Since the revolution it has been extended to salt, candles, leather, hides, hops, soap, paper, paste-board, millboards, scale boards, vellum, parchment, starch, silks, calicoes, linens, stuffs, printed, stained, &c., wire, wrought plate, coffee, tea, chocolate, &c. Thus a standing army and excise have, from the first slender origins, though always hated, always feared, always opposed, at length swelled up to their vast present bulk. self by the return of the garrison of Tangier, "England (says Rapin) saw on a sudden an amazing revolution; saw herself stripped of all her rights and 5 privileges, excepting such as the king should vouchsafe to grant her; and what is more astonishing, the English themselves delivered up these very rights and privileges to Charles II. which they had so passionately, and, if I may say it, furiously defended against the designs of Charles I." This happened only thirty-six years after this last prince had been beheaded. These facts are sufficient to support 15 what I have said. 'Tis true that all the mischiefs apprehended by our ancestors from a standing army and excise, have not yet happened: but it does not follow from thence, that they will not happen. 20 The inside of a house may catch fire, and the most valuable apartments be ruined, before the flames burst out. The question in these cases is not, what evil has actually attended particular measures-25 but what evil, in the nature of things, is likely to attend them. Certain circumstances may for some time delay effects, that were reasonably expected, and that must endure. There was a long 30 period, after the Romans had prorogued the command to Q. Publius Philo, before that example destroyed their liberty. All our kings, from the revolution to the present reign have been been foreigners. 35 Their ministers generally continued but a short time in authority; and they themselves were mild and virtuous princes. Some persons are of opinion, that liberty is not violated, but by such open acts of force; but they seem to be greatly mistaken. I could mention a period within these forty years, when almost as great a change of disposition was produced by the secret measures of a long administration, as by Charles's violence. Liberty, perhaps, is never exposed to so much danger, as when the people believe there is the least; for it may be subverted, and yet they not think so. Public disgusting acts are seldom practised by the ambitious, at the beginning of their designs. Such conduct silences and discourages the weak, and the wicked, who would otherways have been their advocates or accomplices. It is of great consequence, to allow those, who, upon any account, are inclined to favour them, something specious to say in their defence. The power may be fully established, though it would not be safe for them to do whatever they please. For there are things, which, at some times, even slaves will not bear. Julius Caesar and Oliver Cromwell, did not dare to assume the title of king. The grand Seignior dares not lay a new tax. The king of France dares not be a protestant. Certain popular points. inay be left untouched, and yet freedom be extinguished. The commonality of Venice imagine themselves free, because they are permitted to do what they ought not 50 not. But I quit a subject that would lead me too far from my purpose. A bold, ambitious prince, possessed of great abilities, firmly fixed in the throne 40 by descent, served by ministers like himself, and rendered either venerable or terrible by the glory of his successes, may execute what his predecessors did not dare to attempt. Henry IV. tot- 45 tered in his seat during his whole reign. Henry V. drew the strength of the kingdom into France, to carry on his wars there, and left the Commons at home, protesting "that the people were bound to serve out of the realm." It is true, that a strong spirit of liberty subsists at present in Great Britain, but what reliance is to be placed in the temper of a people, when the prince is pos- 55 sessed of an unconstitutional power, our own history can sufficiently inform us. When Charles II. had strengthened him By the late act of parliament, taxes are to be levied upon us, for "defraying the charge of the administration of justice, the support of civil governmentand the expenses of defending his Majesty's dominions in America." If any man doubts what ought to be 5 Has not the parliament expressly avowed their intention of raising money from us for certain purposes? Is not this scheme popular in Great Britain? Will the taxes, imposed by the late act, answer those purposes? If it will, must it not take an immense sum from us? 10 If it will not, is it to be expected that the parliament will not fully execute their intention, when it is pleading at home, and not opposed here? Must not this be done by imposing new taxes? 15 Will not every addition, thus made to our taxes, be an addition to the power of the British legislature, by increasing the number of officers employed in the collection? Will not every additional 20 tax therefore render it more difficult to abrogate any of them? When a branch of revenue is once established, does it not appear to many people invidious and undutiful, to attempt to abolish it? If 25 taxes, sufficient to accomplish the intention of the parliament, are imposed by the parliament, what taxes will remain to be imposed by our assemblies? If no material taxes remain to be imposed by 30 them, what must become of then., and the people they represent? the officers at home, on exportation to these colonies, than by this solemu imposition of taxes upon us, to be collected here. Probably, the artful contrivers of this act formed it in this manner, in order to reserve to themselves, in case of any objections being made to it, this specious pretence-"That the drawbacks are gifts to the colonies; and that the act only lessens those gifts." But the truth is, that the drawbacks are intended for the encouragement and promotion of British manufactures and commerce, and are allowed on exportation to any foreign parts, as well as on exportation to these provinces. Besides, care has been taken to slide into the act some articles on which there are no drawbacks However, the whole duties rates. laid by the late act on all the articles therein specified, are so small, that they will not amount to as much as the drawbacks which are allowed on part of them only. If, therefore, the sum to be obtained by the late act has been the sole object in forming it, there would not have been any occasion for the "Commons of Great Britain to give and grant to his Majesty's dominions in America, for making a more certain and adequate provision for defraying the charge of the administration of justice, the support of civil government, and the expenses of defending the said dominions." Nor would there have been any occasion for an expensive board of commissioners, and all the other new charges to which we are made liable. "If any person considers these things, and yet not thinks our liberties are in danger, I wonder at that person's secur- 35 ity." [Demosthenes.] One other argument is to be added, which, by itself, I hope, will be sufficient to convince the most incredulous man on this continent, that the late act 40 of parliament is only designed to be a precedent, whereupon the future vassalage of these colonies may be established. Every duty thereby laid on articles of 45 British manufacture is laid on some commodity, upon the exportation of which, from Great Britain, a drawback is payable. Those drawbacks in most of the articles, are exactly double to the duties 50 given by the late act. The parliament therefore might in half a dozen lines have raised much more money only by stopping the drawbacks in the hands of Upon the whole, for my part, I regard the late act as an experiment made of our disposition. It is a bird sent over the waters, to discover whether the waves, that lately agitated this part of the world, with such violence, are yet subsided. If this adventurer gets footing here, we shall quickly be convinced, that it is not a phoenix, for we shall soon see it followed by others of the same kind. We shall find it rather to be of the breed described by the poet"Infelix vates." A direful foreteller of future calamities. A FARMER. [1767] PATRICK HENRY (1736-1799) Tradition has decreed that the leading orator of the revolutionary period was Patrick Henry of Virginia, and in the absence of a method of weighing the oratory of a vanished period, the verdict of tradition will stand. Of the great numbers of orations and speeches made during the decade before 1775 and the decade after it, surprisingly few have been recorded in the words in which they were first given. Most of the fiery harangues of the pre-revolutionary days are lost to us. Henry's powerful appeal to the Virginia Assembly in 1775 we can judge only by the testimony of those who heard it and by its effect upon the assembly perished with the occasion. The version of it that has been declaimed by generaons of school boys was written by William Wirt om testimony gathered. Henry's later orations, many of them taken down in shorthand and preserved in their original language, were equally effective at the time they were given, but as read to-day none of them has the literary finish and the balance of period and the effectiveness of phraseology of the earlier effort. Undoubtedly the orator's personal presence, his rapt intensity, his emotionality, his methods of delivery were more potent than his words. He was "full of the fire and splendor of the South." The literary quality was added by Wirt, and added, it must be said, with consummate skill. He added indeed the one element that Henry lacked, and adding it, he raised Henry to a place among the great "single-speech" orators of the world. SPEECH BEFORE THE VIRGINIA CONVENTION OF 1775 [As Reported in William Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry.] Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth-and listen to the song of that 10 siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those, who having eyes, see not, 15 and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the 20 worst, and to provide for it. These are insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed 5 with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled, that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. the implements of war and subjugation -the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britian any enemy in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging. of the future but by the past. And 25 judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace 30 themselves and the house? Is it that |