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The Evils which neel a reinedy,

Remedy needed.

Remedy propvoed by the Am Cal. Siniz. 1. The brutal and de- The immediate abo- The sending to Africa grading personal slav- lition, by a well digest- under circumstances as ery of upwards of two ed legislative enactment favorable as in their million unoffending sub- in each slave state and power, of as many of the jects of the United in congress, of the bru- enslaved and unoffendStates.

tal, criminal, and ruin- ing negroes as their own
ous system of negro sla- masters may please to
very, and the immediate emancipate for that pur-
substitution in its place, pose.
of a law worthy of a
great, free, and enlight-
ened country.

3. The African slave trade continued.

The immediate and The settlement of a universal abolition of its free colored colony, unonly source and support, der circumstances as fanegio slavery.

vorable as in their power, upon the coast of Africa.

5. The ruinous condi- The conversion of The removal from tion of the slave States, their slave laborers in- the United States as

to free laborers,-—of quickly as possible of a their unwilling into wil- vast proportion of all its ling hands.

laboring strength. 6. The terrors of the Undissembling, re

Removing, as condeslave-masters.

pentance, and fruits scendingly as possible, meet for repentance ; as many of the objects and for this purpose the of their terrors as they continual setting before wish to get rid of, that them of their sin ; and, they may keep the remorally speaking, giv- mainder as long as they ing them no peace in please, without fear.

their iniquity. The evils to be remedied are well enough defined, excepting the last. The “terrors,” or as we would rather say, the dangers which need to be removed, are not peculiar to "the slave-masters.” It is not the proprietors of slaves alone that live in continual danger and alarm, under the present system at the south. The entire population of those regions in which slavery abounds, live, as it were, on the sides of a volcano, that ever and anon heaves under them. When the midnight bell rings the alarm in Charleston or Savannah, and the drums beat to arms in the streets, does the man who owns no slaves feel safer in his bed, than the man who owns a thousand ? Not at all. The terror of the planter is not so much the dread that his own slaves will murder him, or fire his dwelling,

pp. 8, 9.

should cease.

as it is the dread of a general convulsion; and that dread, the dread of seeing sudden conflagration lighted up around them far and near, is the common terror of the entire population.

But let us notice the remedies which Capt. Stuart proposes to employ for the removal of these great evils. The remedy for the slavery which exists in the United States, is the immediate abolition of slavery by a legislative enactment, in each slave state and in

congress, and the immediate substitution of a law, worthy of a great, free, and enlightened people. Reader, notice the admirable simplicity of the proposal. The remedy for slavery is, that slavery

How simple and yet how effectual. Certainly this looks like philosophy. A fire is raging in a crowded street. Men are hurrying to and fro, and forming lines to bring water from distant reservoirs. " Stop !” cries a looker on, of speculative habits, “the remedy for this spreading evil is perfectly obvious; you have only to arrest, immediately, the combination of oxygen with yonder combustible substances, and all will be well. This is no halfway plan, no far-fetched contrivance; it is simple, and strikes at the very root of the mischief. How beautiful is the simplicity of truth. How charming is divine philosophy.” Ah! Mr. Philosopher, you talk learnedly; no doubt the way to stop a fire is to make it cease burning; but there is a practical difficulty about your proposal. You propose a result, but say nothing about the process. The question with a working man who desires to do something towards the extinction of the fire, is now? Your remedy is extinction; but our question of how, you leave unanswered. How is this combination of oxygen with combustible substances to be arrested? Answer us that, Mr. Philospher, and you tell us something to the purpose. So we answer Capt. Stuart. No doubt the immediate abolition of slavery by a well digested legislative enactment in each slave state and in congress, would put an end to slavery; but pray tell us how this immediate abolition is to be brought about ; tell us how these well digested enactments, by a dozen legislative bodies, are to be immediately obtained.

The remedy proposed for the African slave-trade is liable to a similar objection. No man can doubt that “the immediate and universal abolition of negro slavery” would be an immediate and effectual abolition of the slave-trade. But the unfortunate circumstance of the case is that the immediate and universal abolition of slavery is out of the question. A neighbor of ours has a piece of land which is overflowed by every tide. He is inquiring how the evil may be remedied. One man proposes to build a dike of sufficient height to shut out the waters.

Another steps in and tells him that to build a dike will be a very expensive and hazardous undertaking, and with infinite gravity assures him that the remedy actually needed, and the only truly philosophical and sufficient remedy, is an enlargement of the moon's orbit. “For," says this learned Theban," it is a well known fact that the only cause of tides is the attraction of gravitation between the waters of the ocean and the moon; and it is one of the great and unchangeable laws of nature that the attraction of gravitation between any two masses of matter is inversely as the square of their distance

. Thus the farther off the moon is from the earth, the less will be its power to attract the waters of the ocean, and the less will be the height of the highest tide. What then can be plainer than that the only rational and infallible remedy for the difficulty in respect to this piece of meadow, is an immediate enlargement of the orbit of the moon's revolution round the earth.” We are very far from intimating, by this comparison, that the universal abolition of slavery is as absolutely and as far beyond the reach of human effort, as a change in the moon's orbit; but when we consider the vast extent of the earth's surface, over which negro slavery is spread, and the diversified and unconnected governments under which it exists,when we think what changes must be wrought, not only in the United States and Great Britain, but in the countries subject to the Spanish, French, Dutch, Danish, Brazilian, and we know not how many other scepters, before slavery can be abolished, we have no hesitation in saying, that any man who gravely proposes the immediate and universal abolition of negro slavery, as the first and only thing to be done for the termination of the African slave-trade, de. serves a place in the academy of philosophers on the flying island.

So of the remedy proposed for the ruinous condition of the slave-holding States, we entertain no doubt that the conversion of their slave laborers into free laborers,” would be worth more to those states than all “ the wealth of Ormus or of Ind.” The problem is, to effect this conversion. How shall we make the people of South Carolina willing to give freedom to their bondmen?

Under the last head, it will be noticed that the author recommends as a remedy for the dangers of the south, not only, “ undissembling repentance, and fruits meet for repentance,” but also, and in order to this, “the continual setting before them of their sin

, and, morally speaking, giving them no peace in their iniquity." This looks like proposing to use means that may bring about, by and by, a result which cannot be immediately accomplished

. The only question, then, between us and the men of Capt. Stuart's school is, What are the means by which our fellow citizens of the south may be most certainly and most speedily led to the voluntary abo olition of slavery among them?' We believe in the efficacy discussion, to enlighten and reform public opinion, even on the subject of slavery in a slaveholding state; but how'shall the discussion be started? and how shall it be carried on and how shall it be made to reach and pervade the community that is to be ef


fected by it, a community irritable and inflammable on every subject, and in respect to this subject, fixed and ferocious in the determination that there shall be no discussion within their territories? Doubtless our author thinks that all this is the easiest and plainest thing in the world. If so, we propose to the gallant Captain an experiment, the undertaking of which will at least demonstrate bis courage and sincerity, and the performance of which will test the soundness of his opinion. Let him come over and show us in person, how the thing is to be done. Let him pass through the southern states, an apostle of immediate and universal emancipation. Let him travel from plantation to plantation, and from city to city, to carry on this discussion with the slave-holders; distributing along his course tracts, prints, broad sheets, that shall illustrate to the mind and to the eye, the cruelties of slavery; and preaching, as he goes, the sacred inalienable and universal rights of man. Let him in his proper person, undertake to call to repentance the slave-holders of the south, those " felons in heart and in deed,” as he denominates them, whose crime—a crime repeated every day and every hour-is only inferior “to intentional and malignant murder." Let him deal with these offenders face to face, "continually setting before them their sin,” in his own style and fashion, and giving them no peace in their iniquity.” If the Captain will undertake this mission, we pledge ourselves to give him every facility in our power.

We will subscribe to his support. We, as colonizationists, and with all the popularity which our famous apologies for slavery have secured for us, will give him a letter of introduction to our southern friends. And if he does not find the undertaking more forlorn than it would be to lead a forlorn hope at the storming of Gibraltar; if he does not find that he might as safely have undertaken to preach the accountability of monarchs, and the sovereignty of the people, in the public squares of Vienna, or have gone as wisely to Constantinople with Mary Fisher, to persuade the Grand Seignior to turn quaker ; if he does not find, ere the first week of his mission is accomplished, that he is casting his pearls before swine; if he does not find them turning again to rend him, fiercer, stronger, less to be reasoned with than the very bulls of Bashan,-we will acknowledge that he has the best of the argument.

What then is the bearing of African colonization on the abolition of slavery? Capt. Stuart's account of this is honest doubtless; but

, in our view, it is obviously very much the result of misapprehension, and, to use a favorite word of his own, of prejudice. He say's

that the remedy proposed by the American Colonization Society for the brutal and degrading personal slavery of opwards of two millions," is "the sending to Africa under circum

Vol. V.


stances as favorable as in their power, as many of the enslaved and unoffending negroes, as their own masters may please to emancipate for that purpose;" and he asks, “ What kind of remedy will it be to the brutal enslavement of two millions, increasing at the rate of fifty thousand annually, that annually a few hundreds, (or thousands if it should ever be) have their slavery commuted into transportation ? We answer, No man in his senses, ever thought that the simple transportation of a few hundreds or thousands annually, could be, considered alone and disconnected from the relations and tendencies of the work, a remedy for slavery. The Captain talks about “ sending to Africa,” and “removal," and “ transportation,” as if sending these men to Africa, removing them out of the United States, transporting them beyond the seas, were a fair and full description of the society's undertaking. But colonizing them in Africa, is a much more comprehensive expression, than merely sending them to Africa. African colonization, and not simple transportation, is the thing which the society proposes as its work, and that is the thing, the bearing of which on the abolition of slavery, is called in question.

We have often expressed our views of this subject, more or less in detail ; * and in Capt. Stuart's argumentation, we discover nothing to change or modify our opinions. Arguments derived from the alledged motives of colonizationists, whether they come from Stuart or from Garrison, weigh nothing at all with us. The question is, what will be the results of the work? Not, What are the motives imputed to its supporters? If the building up of a civilized and christian state in Africa, by the emigration of people of color from America, tends in fact to the abolition of slavery, all the expectations to the contrary which may be entertained by the friends of slavery, cannot reverse that which is as sure as the relation of cause and effect. We have to do with tendencies, not with intentions. Capt. Stuart's only argument on this subject, not derived from the supposed motives of those who favor the society, is this: Every slave emancipated and removed, increases the market value of those that remain ; and thus, by making it more the interest of the slaveholder to hold fast his property, increases the mighty difficulty in the way of abolition. But what is this argument worth? It supposes that slave labor will actually be removed from the market faster than free labor can come in to meet the demand thus created-a supposition which, both Stuart and Garrison would most earnestly protest, can never be realized. The

* Christian Spectator, 1830. pp. 477–479.

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