through a number of diplomatic missions to foreign peoples and governments.

The Minister of Defense has organized a disciplined army of Volunteers, which is being equipped.

The Minister of Finance has floated a considerable loan both domestic and foreign, for the general purposes of the government, in particular for the economic development of the country. The confidence reposed in the Republican Government by the people of Ireland is evidenced by the fact that the domestic loan was over-subscribed by one-half.

The Minister of Local Government co-ordinates the work of the municipal and rural councils, and controls through these democratically elected bodies, the administration of all the local affairs of the nation.

The Minister of Industries and the Director of Trade and Commerce have caused a survey of Ireland's economic resources to be made, with a view to their proper utilization, along cooperative lines, for the benefit of the nation; and are developing closer trade relations with foreign countries through the consular service.

The Ministry of Labor is particularly concerned with the advancement of schemes for the proper housing of the workers, the question of unemployment, and the arbitrament of industrial disputes.

The Minister of Agriculture has organized a Land Bank to finance the agricultural industry of the country. Through the agency of this Bank several large grass branches have been divided into economic holdings and allotted to farmers and laborers co-operatively organized. The Ministry actively aided the Director of Forestry in instituting an Arbor Day movement for the planting of waste lands throughout the country.

The Minister for Home Affairs has organized a national judiciary-civil and criminal courts the only courts, except the British courts-martial, now functioning in Ireland; and a police force. The rulings of the Land Courts on the intricate question arising, out of the land problem, have brought about a cessation of the land unrest endemic in certain parts of Ireland in recent years.

The Department of Education is promoting a general scheme of national education, and has taken over, and now directly controls certain technical and other educational institutions.

The Fisheries Department is attending to the special needs of the fishing industry. A chain of co-operative societies has

been formed amongst deep-sea fishermen, and the Department is aiding these societies financially to secure motor-driven boats, and essential equipment. Its inspectors see that the necessary technical knowledge is made available for those employed in the curing and marketing of the fish.

The other Departments similarly promote the national interests directly in their charge, working in close association with all interested in their respective spheres.

The functioning of the Republican government is seen in its legislative acts and in the obedience rendered to them. Both the English Government, through Dublin Castle and the Irish Republican Legislature are issuing laws and decrees. But the laws and regulations of Dublin Castle are purely repressive and destructive and are principally honored in the breach, whereas the laws of the Irish legislature are constructive and are observed. One hundred and fifty thousand soldiers cannot enforce English laws upon an unwilling population, whereas the force of public opinion has served to obtain a nearly full measure of obedience for Ireland's own laws.

The administration of justice and the maintenance of civil order is another test of actual government. That Irish courts administer justice to the practical exclusion of the English courts is now a matter of universal knowledge. The following extract from the account of the Manchester Guardian's special correspondent, published in the Weekly Edition of July 9, 1920, p. 32, bears testimony to this fact:

* * *

"Of all the activities of Sinn Fein none has come more closely before the public in recent months than the work of the Republican courts in administering justice and keeping civil order "One is able to give from authoritative sources some account of the machinery of these courts, which are suppressing the ordinary official courts over a great part of Ireland, and are attracting to them Unionist landlords, solicitors and barristers. They are held in 26 counties, but are to be found working most completely and effectively in the west. In Galway city, for instance, a sort of petty sessional court meets openly every night. In Cork courts are held openly in the city hall. A Sinn Fein land tribunal met in the County Council offices in Dublin a week ago. In most places they are held more or less surreptitiously, but their publicity is growing. The falling off in business in all the southern and western circuits has become notorious, and it is due almost entirely to the competition of the Sinn Fein courts and the fact that now they alone can claim popular consent and have the ability to enforce decrees."

When the Lord Mayor of Cork-now dead in Brixton jailwas arrested, he was presiding at a Court of the Republic adjud

icating a case in which an English Insurance Company was the plaintiff.

Thus the Government of the Republic is functioning and claims recognition not only because it is the legitimate and rightful government of the Irish people the government with the democratic sanction of the consent of the governed, but also because it is also the actual government in Ireland. The rival British Government in Ireland has been declared, even by Lord Grey, to be almost "non-existent." Referring to the "helplessness" of the British authority in Ireland, he said recently that British authority "has apparently ceased."

IRELAND'S CLAIM TO RECOGNITION IS

A MORAL RIGHT

Ireland, as already set forth, can show indisputable proof of the will of its people. Ireland can show a responsible, fully organized and functioning government, the only government securing the obedience of the people and hence the only de facto government in Ireland. Relying then, upon the established policy of the United States since the days of Jefferson, she considers herself entitled to recognition.

"How," wrote Jefferson, "can we consistently refuse to recognize people who ask to establish our form of government?"

"It accords with our principles to acknowledge any government to be rightful, which is founded by the will of the nation substantially declared."

"We certainly cannot deny to other nations that principle whereon our own Government is founded."-(Jefferson's Works, VI, 131.)

With respect to the recognition of Greece, Secretary of State Livingston, addressing the envoys of Great Britain, France and Russia, said, April 30, 1833:

"The President of the United States has directed me to inform you that it has been the principle and the invariable practice of the United States to recognize that as the legal government of another nation, which, by its establishment in the actual exercise of political power might be supposed to have received the express or implied assent of the people."-(Moore, Digest of International Law, I, p. 112.)

President Grant, in his Annual Message of Dec. 7, 1875, said, with respect to Cuba:

"Where a considerable body of people, who have attempted to free themselves of the control of the superior government, have reached such a point in occupation of territory, in power, and in general organization as to constitute in fact a body politic; having a government in substances as well as in name, possessed of the elements of stability.

and equipped with the machinery for the administration of internal justice at home as well as in its dealings with other powers; it is within the province of those other powers to recognize its existence as a new and independent nation. In such cases other nations simply deal with an actually existing condition of things, and recognize as one of the powers of the earth that body politic which, possessing the necessary elements, has, in fact, become a new power."-(Moore, op. cit., I, 107.) And President McKinley, in his Special Message of April 11, 1898, added:

“When it shall appear hereafter that there is within the island a government capable of performing the duties and discharging the functions of a separate nation, and having as a matter of fact, the proper forms and attributes of nationality, such government can be promptly and readily recognized."-(Moore, op. cit. I, 110).

Secretary of State Webster, in replying on December 21, 1850, to the Austrian protest against the recognition of Hungary, declared:

"It is not to be required of neutral powers that they should await the recognition of the new government by the parent state. Νο principle of public law has been so frequently acted upon within the last thirty years by the great powers of the world as this."

From these precedents, a few among many, it is apparent that the United States has a clear diplomatic tradition in the policy of recognition of new states when they have established their independence de facto, notwithstanding the inevitable protests of the "parent" states.

Nor is the feeble control exercised in isolated places by the British army of occupation any bar to the recognition of Ireland. Viscount Grey has called attention to the "helplessness" of this "feeble government" of the British military forces. On September 3, 1918, the United States Government, through Secretary Lansing, recognized the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris as the "de facto" Government of the independent Czecho-Slovak State, although the entire Czecho-Slovak territory was occupied by the armies of Austria-Hungary. No national election had at that time manifested the national will for independence. Under somewhat similar circumstances, the independence of Poland, Finland, Jugo-Slavia and Armenia has been recognized.

.

But even if Secretary Seward's policy of legitimacy were to be adopted, Ireland would still be entitled to recognition by the United States. For unless the Government of the United States is prepared to deny that sovereignty resides in the people,

the people of Ireland have through the ballot reinforced by law the claim of sovereignty resting on de facto authority.

Inasmuch as the governments of Czecho-Slovakia, Finland, Poland, Jugo-Slavia, Armenia, Esthonia, Latvia and others were accorded recognition, on what moral basis can recognition be refused to the duly elected government of the Republic of Ireland? As already pointed out, in the former countries, there was not even definite proof that the people wanted to be separated from the controlling Empires-their governments when recognized were in many cases purely provisional and nominal, were neither elected by the people, nor functioning nor in a position to function.

Refusal of recognition to Ireland must imply therefore that the principles which were accepted as of universal application during the war are now specially restricted to favor the interests of England or to discriminate unjustly against Ireland—a discrimination which the repeated professions of statesmen during the war make immoral and impossible.

The statesmen of Britain were as insistent on the rights of small nations to rule themselves as was America's President himself. Before the war, the Allied Nations reply to a note of your government was:

"The Allied Nations are confident that they are fighting, not for selfish interests, but above all to safeguard the independence of peoples, right and humanity

Their war aims necessarily imply

"the re-organization of Europe, guaranteed by a stable regime, and based at once on respect for nationalities and liberty of economic development possessed by all peoples, small and great."

On America's declaring war, Mr. Bonar Law said:

"America's aims and ideals are those of the Allies." And the British Cabinet sent this message to America:

66* * * They (The British people) also believe that the unity and peace of mankind can only rest upon democracy; upon the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own government; upon the rights and liberties of nations, both great and small, and upon the universal dominion of public right.' And when you, sir, at Washington's tomb, July 4, 1918, demanded

"The settlement of every question, whether of territory, of sovereignty, of economic arrangement, or of political relationship, upon the basis of the free acceptance of that settlement by the people immediately concerned, and not upon the basis of the material interest or

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