others, as inexplicable; but he could not rest without attempting to trace the cause--which he finally considered to be, that oil spreads upon water to an inconceivable thinness, and becomes instrumental in preventing the formation of waves: whence air in motion, which is wind, in passing over the smooth surface of such water, cannot easily catch upon it, so as to raise the first wrinkles or waves; but slides over and leaves it smooth as it finds it. This subject he canvassed in two or three ingenious papers, which are too well known to need insertion here.

On his arrival, Dr Franklin received the thanks of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, "as well for the faithful discharge of his duty to that province in particular, as for the many and important services done to America in general, during his residence in Great Britain." A compensation of 5000l. Pennsylvania currency was also decreed him for his services during six years.

He had been regularly elected during his absence a member of the Assembly.

In the December of this year, a circumstance exciting considerable local alarm took place in Pennsylvania, and again called forth both the pen and active efforts of Dr Franklin. A considerable body of Indians had taken up their abode in the county of Lancaster, and lived very peaceably amongst the white inhabitants, until the depredations of the native tribes on the frontiers was made the pretext for a vow, on the part of a great number of the latter, to extirpate their unoffending black neighbours. About one hundred and twenty persons, principally inhabitants of Donegal and Peckstang or Paxton townships, in the county of York, assembled, mounted on horseback, and proceeded to the settlement of these harmless and defenceless Indians, whose number had now been reduced to about twenty. The Indians received intelligence of the attack which was intended against them, but disbelieved it. Considering the white people as their friends, they apprehended no danger

from them. When the party arrived at the Indian settlement, they found only some women and children, and a few old men, the rest being absent at work. They murdered all whom they found, and amongst others the chief Shaheas, who had been always distinguished for his friendship to the whites. This bloody deed excited much indignation in the well-disposed part of the community.

The remainder of these unfortunate Indians, who by absence had escaped the massacre, were conducted to Lancaster, and lodged in the gaol as a place of security. The governor issued a proclamation, expressing the strongest disapprobation of the action, offering a reward for the discovery of the perpetrators of the deed, and prohibiting all injuries to the peaceful Indians in future: but, notwithstanding this, a party of the same men shortly after marched to Lancaster, broke open the gaol, and inhumanly butchered the innocent Indians who had been placed there for security. Another proclamation was issued, but it had no effect. A detachment marched down to Philadelphia, for the express purpose of murdering some friendly Indians who had been removed to the city for safety. A number of the citizens armed in their defence. The Quakers, whose principles are opposed to fighting, even in their own defence, were most active upon this occasion. The rioters came to Germantown. The governor fled for safety to the house of Dr Franklin, who with some others advanced to meet the Paxton boys, as they were called, and had influence enough to prevail upon them to relinquish their undertaking, and return to their homes*.

In the following year the old disputes between the assemblies and the proprietaries were again revived. The governor refused to pass the militia bill, unless the Assembly would agree to certain amendments which he proposed for increasing the fines, and in some cases substituting death for fines. He desired

Dr Stuber's Narrative.

also that the officers should be appointed altogether by himself, and not be nominated by the people, as the bill had proposed: amendments which the Assembly considered as inconsistent with their liberties, and respecting which neither party agreeing, the bill was never carried. Franklin on this occasion addressed the freemen of Pennsylvania on the subject of a militia bill rejected by the proprietors' deputy or governor.

Shortly after, the Assembly resolved upon petitioning the throne to take the government of the province out of the hands of the proprietors, making such compensation to the Penn family as to his majesty's wisdom and goodness might appear just and equitable. This formidable proposal did not pass the house without rousing the most strenuous opposition on the part of all the proprietary interest and its connexions. Speeches for and against the measure were published, and republished in England. Dr Franklin wrote a preface to the speech of Joseph Galloway, esq., one of the members of Philadelphia county, in which he says that the celebrated William Penn himself, sensible of the inconvenience of a proprietary government, and being desirous of leaving his people happy, had " determined to take it away, if possible, during his own lifetime;" that he accordingly entered into a contract for the sale of the proprietary right of government to the crown, and actually received a sum of money in part of the consideration. "Surely," continues Franklin, "he that framed our constitution must have understood it. If he had imagined that all our privileges depended on the proprietary government, will any one suppose that he would himself have meditated the change? that he would have taken such effectual measures, as he thought them, to bring it about speedily, whether he should live or die? Will any one of those who now extol him so highly, charge him at the same time with the baseness of endeavouring thus to defraud his people of all the liberties and privileges he had pro

mised them, and by the most solemn charters and grants assured to them, when he engaged them to assist him in the settlement of his province? Surely none can be so inconsistent. And yet this proprietary right of governing, or appointing a governor, has all of a sudden changed its nature, and the preservation of it become of so much importance to the welfare of the province, that the Assembly's only petitioning to have their venerable founder's will executed, and the contract he entered into for the good of his people completed, is styled an attempt to violate the constitution, for which our fathers planted a wilderness-to barter away our glorious plan of public liberty and charter privileges; a risking of the whole constitution; an offering up our whole charter rights; a wanton sporting with things sacred, &c.'"

These considerations were amplified, and additional ones brought forward, in a pamphlet published about that time by our author, entitled "Cool Thoughts;" but the whole of these efforts were abortive, as the home government took no public notice of the petition.

In the decline of 1764, Franklin, with many others who were averse to the domination of the proprietary, lost his election to a seat in the Assembly, after having filled it for fourteen years. But the house well knew his value, and the proprietary intrigues by which he had been rejected. He was again therefore chosen their agent to the court of Great Britain, and although his enemies protested against his appointment, the house refused to admit the protest upon its records. The publication of it in the papers produced from Franklin a pamphlet entitled "Remarks on a late protest, &c." which thus spiritedly commences:"I have generally passed over, with a silent disregard, the nameless abusive pieces that have been written against me; and though this paper called a protest is signed by some respectable names, I was, nevertheless, inclined to treat it with the same indifference; but as the Assembly is therein reflected on

upon my account, it is thought more my duty to make some remarks upon it.

an

"I would first observe then, that this mode of protesting by the minority, with a string of reasons against the proceedings of the majority of the house of Assembly, is quite new among us; the present is the second we have had of the kind, and both within a few months. It is unknown to the practice of the house of Commons, or of any house of representatives in America that I have heard of; and seems affected imitation of the lords in Parliament, which can by no means become Assembly-men of America. Hence appears the absurdity of the complaint, that the house refused the protest an entry on their minutes. The protesters know that they are not, by any custom or usage, entitled to such an entry; and that the practice here is not only useless in itself, but would be highly inconvenient to the house, since it would probably be thought necessary for the majority also to enter their reasons, to justify themselves to their constituents: whereby the minutes would be encumbered, and the public business obstructed. More especially will it be found inconvenient, if such protests are made use of as a new form of libelling, as the vehicles of personal malice, and as means of giving to private abuse the appearance of a sanction as public acts. Your protest, gentlemen, was therefore properly refused; and since it is no part of the proceedings of Assembly, one may with more freedom examine it."

He thus meets one of their reasons for protesting against his appointment, namely, that he was unfavourably thought of by his majesty's ministers:

"I apprehend, gentlemen, that your informer is mistaken. He indeed has taken great pains to give unfavourable impressions of me, and perhaps may flatter himself, that so much true industry should not be totally without effect. His long success in maiming or murdering all the reputations that stand in his way (which has been the dear delight and constant