he had never met with any thing superior to them in all history.

At this tremendous crisis, in the public prints, in letters to statesmen, and in private conversation, Dr Franklin was unceasing in his efforts to induce government to change its measures. He expatiated on the impolicy and injustice of the conduct at present pursued, and stated in the most explicit manner, that notwithstanding the sincere attachment of the colonies to Great Britain, a continuance of the present measures must alienate their affections at last. In the autumn of 1774, lord Stanhope introduced him to Mr Pitt, who received him with great cordiality, and requested the favour of his frequent calls. He inquired particularly into the affairs of America, and spoke feelingly against the severity of the Massachusetts' laws. Franklin observed, that but for those divisions, the States might have gone on adding province to province, as far as the South Sea. That he lamented the ruin impending over so desirable a plan, and hoped, if his lordship and other great men of the nation would unite and exert themselves, the cause of America might yet be rescued out of the hands of the present blundering ministers, and so desirable an end obtained. He replied, that our author's idea of extending the empire was a sound one, worthy of a great, benevolent, and comprehensive mind. He mentioned an opinion generally entertained of America's aiming at independence, to which Franklin replied, by assuring him that he had never heard the least expression of a wish for separation in all America.

About the same time, Dr Franklin was told at the Royal Society, that a certain lady, who proved to be a sister of lord Howe's, desired his acquaintance, as a well known player at chess, and Mr Rapier, his informant was, if agreeable, to introduce him. Dr Franklin readily consented, not conjecturing, he says, at the time, that any political business was to be connected with his visits; but one evening, after playing a game at chess, lady Howe said, ' And what is to be done with this

dispute between Great Britain and the colonies, I hope we are not to have a civil war?' They should kiss and be friends,' said Franklin, 'What can they do better?' I have often said,' replied she, that I wished government would employ you to settle the dispute for them. I am sure nobody could do it so well; don't you think the thing is practicable?' Undoubtedly, madam,' rejoined Franklin, if the parties are both disposed to reconciliation; for the two countries have really no clashing interests to differ about. It is rather a matter of punctilio, which two or three reasonable people might settle in half an hour; but the ministers will never think of employing me in that good work, they choose rather to abuse me.' 'Ay,' said she, they have behaved shamefully to you, and, indeed, some of them are now ashamed of it themselves.' This is a mere abstract of the conversation, and Franklin thought it, upon the whole, accidental.

About this time Mr David Barclay called on Dr. Franklin, to converse with him respecting a meeting of the merchants to petition parliament; after which he entered upon the present dangerous situation of America, the nature of the present measures, and the great merit that person would have, who could effect a reconciliation, and avert the dark storm that seemed impending; to which he added his full persuasion, that for this object no man had so much in his power as Franklin. The latter replied, he saw no prospect of it. Accommodation was always impracticable, except both sides were ready to agree upon equitable terms, which he believed was not the case. sidered the object of the present ministry was, to drive the Americans into open rebellion, that they might have a plausible pretext for putting the States under a military execution, and gratify an old prejudice which still rankled in the breasts of many gentlemen in the British parliament against the whigs and dissenters, who had taken refuge in those colonies. In reply, Mr Barclay wished the Doctor to think

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more favourably of ministers; he thought they wou d be happy to escape from their present embarrassment on any terms which would preserve the honour of the government.

Dr Franklin spent an evening, shortly after, with his old friend Dr Fothergill, and Mr Barclay. The conversation turned chiefly on American affairs, and the many calamities likely to be connected with the late differences. They both urged Dr Franklin to exert himself in order to bring affairs to a reconciliation, and hoped he would sketch out some plan which might be shewn to ministers, duly regarding the claims of both nations. Dr Franklin expressed his willingness to listen to any friendly intimation; a further meeting was appointed, when he produced Hints for Conversation upon the subject of Terms that might probably produce a durable union between Britain and the Colonies.

1. "The tea destroyed to be paid for.

2. "The tea-duty act to be repealed, and all the duties that have been received upon it to be repaid into the treasuries of the several provinces from which they have been collected.

3. "The acts of navigation to be all re-enacted in the colonies.

4. "A naval officer appointed by the crown, to reside in each colony, to see that these acts are observed.

5. "All the acts restraining manufactures in the colonies to be repealed.

6. "All duties arising on the acts for regulating trade with the colonies, to be for the public use of the respective colonies, and paid into their treasuries. The collectors and custom-house officers to be appointed by each governor, and not sent from England.

7. "In consideration of the Americans maintaining their own peace-establishment, and the monopoly

Britain is to have of their commerce, no requisition is to be made from them in time of peace.

8. "No troops to enter and quarter in any colony, but with the consent of its legislature.

9. "In time of war, on requisition made by the king, with the consent of parliament, every colony shall raise money by the following rules or proportions, viz. If Britain, on account of the war, raise three shillings in the pound to its land-tax, then the colonies to add to their last general provincial peace tax, a sum equal to one-fourth thereof; and if Britain, on the same account, pay four shillings in the pound, then the colonies to add to their last peace-tax a sum equal to half thereof, which additional tax is to be granted to his majesty, and to be employed in raising and paying men for land or sea service, furnishing provisions, transports, or for such other purposes as the king shall require and direct. And though no colony may contribute less, each may add as much by voluntary grant as they may think proper.

10. "Castle William to be restored to the province of Massachusetts Bay, and no fortress built by the crown in any province, but with the consent of its legislature.

11. "The late Massachusetts and Quebec acts to be repealed, and a free government granted to Canada.

12. "All judges to be appointed during good behaviour, with equally permanent salaries, to be paid out of the province revenues, by appointment of the assemblies. Or, if the judges are to be appointed during the pleasure of the crown, let the salaries be during the pleasure of the assemblies, as heretofore.

13. "Governors to be supported by the assemblies of each province."

14. "If Britain will give up its monopoly of the American commerce, then the aid above-mentioned to be given by America in time of peace as well as in time of war.

15. "The extensions of the act of Henry VIII. concerning treasons to the colonies, to be formally disowned by parliament.

16. "The American admiralty-courts reduced to the same powers they have in England, and the acts establishing them to be re-enacted in America.

17. "All powers of internal legislation in the colonies, to be disclaimed by parliament*."

Soon after these conferences, the proceedings of Congress arrived, including the petition to the king, enclosed to Franklin, with a letter addressed to the several American agents then in London. These proceedings were favourably received in England. His majesty approved the petition, and graciously promised to take a very early opportunity of laying it before his two houses of parliament.

Lord Hyde, an intimate connexion of the ministers, to whom Franklin's hints had been shewn, thought them too hard, but wished they might be successful. In December (1774) the hon. Mrs Howe, requested the favour to introduce lord Howe, her brother, to Dr Franklin, the former having expressed a great wish to become acquainted with him; to which Franklin making no objection, Mrs H. sent for his lordship. He soon entered upon the state of things in America, and solicited Franklin to think of some terms of accommodation; he was sorry for the conduct of the ministry towards him, and said they were ashamed of it; but that he hoped no personal prejudice would prevent him, in so great a work, from using every effort to accomplish the end. In reply Dr Franklin stated his great willingness to concur in any proposal likely to facilitate an understanding between America and the parent kingdom; but he apprehended, from the speech recently delivered from the throne, and from the measures in contemplation, that ministers were

* These papers, amongst the earliest productions of Congress, will be found in our Appendix, No. 7.