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promote "the general welfare," to authorize, or to in-and, probably, by one whose memory we all venerate; duce them to undertake the abolition of slavery? but I am glad the advocates of such a measure have hi

Sir, it cannot be controverted that abolition is the ulti-therto been (and I trust ever will be) too few to indicate mate purpose of colonization, at least, with many who any prospect of its success. Have we any more power are engaged in effectuating the latter. If my ears did to establish a college than a country school? Have we not greatly deceive me, (and those of other gentlemen more power, or would there be more propriety in facilimust equally have deceived them,) I heard a distinguish-tating the education of one class than another? The only ed member of the Colonization Society, in a public ad power over subjects of this nature, granted to us by the dress made some twelve months ago, in effect declare constitution, is to promote the progress of science and his belief that Providence was preparing the way for the useful arts by securing, for limited terms, to authors and accomplishment of the great object of the society, the inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings abolition of slavery throughout the Union. The same in-and discoveries." This being the only clause of the condividual alluded to an unfortunate affair which happened stitution in which any power is given to us over the subabout eighteen months ago, in Southampton, Virginia, as ject of "science," and this limiting us to securing the one of the means which Providence, in infinite wisdom rights of "authors and inventors," according to all rules and beneficence, had employed for the advancement of of construction, implies a negative upon the exercise of this object. Such impious and unwarrantable language any other power over the same subject. Sir, I well reis boldly used already-and what is to follow? As regards member the sensation produced in Alabama, and, I bcour legislation on the subject, colonization is but the first lieve, generally throughout the Union, by a proposition step. If we can appropriate money to colonize those of the late President of the United States for the erection who are free, why not those who are slaves, including the of a national observatory, or "light-house of the skies,' price of their emancipation, to be fixed by those who as he thought proper to call it. Was there not among the have no interest in them? If one power be constitutional, people, in regard to this proposition, a general sentiment why not the other? If one can be derived from the con- of disapprobation? Was it not denounced as an attempted stitution, so can the other; for it will be as easy to prove usurpation of power? Yet this was a subject intimately to such as wish to be convinced, that one is demanded by connected with science, and the power, at least, as reconthe "general welfare," as well as the other. cilable to the constitution as that now proposed. I may I have heard much, sir, within the last three years, of be told there is precedent for this kind of appropriation the danger of a dissolution of this Union-an event which in the past legislation of Congress; that grants of land for all profess (I trust sincerely) to deprecate as the worst of education have been made, extensively, to the new States. national evils. If any thing is calculated, more certainly I agree that such grants have been made, but they are than all others, to produce such a calamity, not only to distinguishable from the kind of appropriation originally our own country, but to all mankind, it is legislation upon proposed in this bill, and which remains unchanged by this subject. Let an appropriation be made in aid of colo- the amendment of which I have spoken. Those grants nization, and we shall hereafter hear it proposed to ap- are connected with the disposition of the public lands, propriate money to purchase and colonize our slaves. In they tend to facilitate their sales at improved prices, and defending such a proposition, how easy will it be to cite this the increase of price, in consequence, is a full equivalent. very measure (should it become a law) as a precedent-Whether we regard the grant of land for State seminaas, in effect, granting three millions of dollars annually ries, or of sixteenth sections for township schools, the for the same object? It will be no difficult matter to effect, obviously, is to enhance the prices of the remainshow, to the satisfaction of some, by the kind of logic to ing portion, and accelerate sales. Would not almost any which I allude, that colonization and abolition are natu- man purchase more readily, and give a higher price than rally and closely connected-to identify them as alike ne- he otherwise would, for a tract of land within a township cessary, nay, indispensable, to the "general welfare." in which a section of good land is reserved for the supSir, I greatly fear that this will be the result of this first port of schools? When those sixteenth sections are fertile, step in this species of legislation; and when such a state as many of them are, they furnish the means of meeting of things is presented, it will, indeed, be time for the all the necessary expenses of ordinary education. The South to decide the question of Union or slavery. If they same reasoning applies, with equal force, to land granted are true to themselves, and have any regard to their rights for State seminaries. An individual, desiring to educate of property, they never can submit to any such unwar-his sons liberally, would give a better price for land in a rantable intermeddling on the part of the General Go-State having an institution of that grade, already well endowed, than if no such grant had been made. Indepen Let me not be misunderstood upon this subject. I am dent of these considerations, the new States have given no enemy of the plan of transporting and colonizing our an ample equivalent on their admission, in surrendering, free black population, properly conducted. It belongs by their respective compacts, all claim to the unappro legitimately to the States, and to the people-not to the priated public domain within their limits, and their right Federal Government. Let our State Legislatures and our to tax the same while it remains unsold, and for five years colonization societies effectuate the purpose (as I trust in thereafter. Nor can any appropriation which may have God they may) with their own means, and such aid as been made for the support of a college in this District be they may derive from individuals, but let them not call relied on as a precedent. It might be, at least, plausibly on this Government for assistance; and, if called upon, distinguished on the ground relied on by many gent men let it not interfere with this delicate and dangerous sub- of high and distinguished reputation, that Congress is the ject. It was one of the main objects of this bill, and, local Legislature of the ten miles square, and has, within though sought to be concealed by the amendment of the District, all the powers of a State Legislature. But which I have spoken, it is still so. Though hidden from if these were precedents, I do not mean to admit that one the untutored eye, the poison still remains, and is not the violation of the constitution would justify another. The power of the States, however, was not limited by the bill, But the dividend of a State may also be applied to the in its original form, (much less is it now,) to the erection purposes of education. I might here, again, ask for the and endowment of institutions interesting to the whole power under the constitution, either express or im- Union, or even to a whole State. It is not restrained even plied, for this Government to appropriate money for such to a State college or university; it reaches to local insti an object. It is, perhaps, true that the idea of a national tutions-academies, free schools, and village seminaries. university has been suggested by different individuals, Are you prepared to give to this Government, whose

vernment.

less dangerous.

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powers I have been accustomed to consider general, and collecting taxes, through this Government, for the exfor objects chiefly external, a power like this? Can any press purpose of being again distributed among the States. man concede it who does not believe the Congress of the Yet such a principle is recognised by this bill. In effect, United States to be like the British Parliament-omni- it assumes that the General Government has power to lay potent? and collect taxes, which may be distributed among the Sir, the objections to the bill, which I have already no- States, to be by them employed on such local as well as ticed, existed against it in every shape it came from the general objects, as they may think proper. Indeed, this Senate. All restriction having been removed by the very bill proposes to carry out the principle. All the amendment of the committee, let us see to what other public domain has not been obtained by donation, or cesobjects these funds may be applied. Is there any State, sion from the States. Louisiana cost us about fifteen milcounty, or parish purpose to which they may not? Un-lions of dollars, and Florida about five millions more, (to der the bill, in its amended form, they are to be ap- say nothing of the amount expended for the extinguishment plied, by the Legislatures of the said States, to such ob- of Indian titles,) which sums were paid out of the treajects as the said Legislatures may severally designate and sury of the Union, and originally raised by taxation. That authorize." What the Legislatures of the States "may the twenty millions of dollars, to which I have just alluddesignate and authorize," are the objects to which weled, were first converted into land, and again converted authorize the application, or, in language equally true, into money, makes no difference; it would be a mere are the objects to which we, through the agency of the quibble for the friends of this measure to seek to extriStates, appropriate the funds of the nation. May not a cate themselves on that ground.

State Legislature, consistently with the terms of the grant, If, sir, such principles shall be tolerated, where is the apply these funds to the erection of a State prison, a security--where is the ground of hope for that portion of county court-house or jail, a poor-house, or to any other the Union which has so long been complaining under the State or local purpose? Can it be denied? If it be, I in- oppressions of federal legislation? The General Govern

quire, on what ground? Where is the restriction, except ment will be converted into a mere machine, to raise funds the judgment or discretion of the State Legislature? It is for any and every purpose that may enter the heads of obvious that the fund allotted to any State may be appro- those who can move it. An irresponsible majority may priated to any object of State expenditure whatever. It conclude that this is the most convenient mode of raising may be used to defray the ordinary expenditures of the revenue for all purposes. The temptation to lay taxes local Government-even the payment of its officers, exe- which shall operate directly in favor of the interests of cutive, legislative, and judicial. Sir, temptation is dan- those who vote for them, is in its nature too strong to be gerous, even to Governments. Suppose we show to the resisted. We have seen the truth of this proposition too different State Governments that their respective shares, often demonstrated here, for it to be now questioned. in the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands, We have seen the representatives from those States in will defray all their expenditures for State purposes; and which direct taxation is most unpopular, and whose Gothat it happens, as is no doubt often the case, that raising vernments are the most rigidly economical-representarevenue for these purposes by direct taxation of their tives from districts of the Union where individual econoconstituents is unpopular, will there not be a strong temp-my is carried to the greatest extreme--most prodigal in tation to persevere in this system of distribution, so far as voting away extravagant, and, as I have often thought, to raise money through the instrumentality of this Govern- unnecessary appropriations. ment, for that purpose alone? By a publication which I Sir, there is another point of view in which this subhave seen, it appears that the total amount of expendi-ject presents itself, which is worthy of the most serious tures in Vermont, for the year ending in October last, consideration of this body; especially of those who prowas sixty-two thousand eight hundred and seventy-eight fess an ardent desire to get rid of taxation, and reduce dollars and ninety cents, while her estimated share in the the revenue to the real wants of the Government. I alproceeds of the public lands is fifty-nine thousand nine lude to the amount proposed by this measure to be ab. hundred and ninety-five dollars and eighty-three cents. stracted from the treasury of the United States, while it By the same publication, the total amount of expenditures is to remain charged with all the expenses of purchasing, in Rhode Island, for the year ending in May last, was surveying, and selling the public lands. A proposition twenty-eight thousand dollars; her share of the same fund was made to amend this bill, so as to defray all these exwould be twenty thousand seven hundred and seventy-penditures out of the proceeds, before their distribution; seven dollars and twelve cents. The same authority shows but how was it treated? Most unceremoniously rejected! the total amount of expenditures in Connecticut, for the Have gentlemen examined, or will they examine, the pubyear ending 31st of March last, was sixty-two thousand lic documents, which throw light on this branch of the three hundred and three dollars and fifty-eight cents, subject? It is only necessary to recur to a report made while her distributive share will be sixty-three thousand within less than a month by the Secretary of the Treasix hundred and thirty-one dollars and seventy-two cents. sury, responsive to a call made on him by a resolution of These three States may serve as specimens, without ex- the House, to see that the annual average expenditure hausting your patience by further recitals: in two of them, for surveying and selling the public lands, including the their respective annual expenditures exceed, by small salaries and incidental expenses of the General Land amounts, their estimated distributive portion of the fund Office, and others, amounts to little short of three hunin question; in the other, (Connecticut,) her share would dred thousand dollars. To that sum may be added the exceed her expenditures. Now those States, and proba-amount paid annually to the several Indian tribes for the bly most of the others, might very readily adapt their ex- purchases which have heretofore been made, and conpenditures to their receipts from this source; and, I ask, tinue to be made every year. The precise amount I when they could thus get clear of all necessity for taxa-am, at this moment, unable to state, but it will be safe to tion at home, whether the temptation to such a course assume more than two hundred thousand dollars. Here, would not be too strong for probable resistance. then, are to be more than five hundred thousand dollars Many men revolt at the proposition of even distributing annually charged upon the revenue, raised by taxation, the surplus revenue among the States, to be applied to besides withdrawing the estimated sum of three millions, objects in which the Union, in general, has no concern; annually produced by sales, which should properly come and, if I mistake not, the distinguished author of this mea- in aid of other sources of revenue, and relieve us from sure himself has treated it not only with disapprobation, taxation to that amount. Yet we should doubtless be but derision. How much more would they complain of told by many of the friends of this measure, that our bur

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dens ought to be reduced; that the revenue should be ple of the new States have again and again remonstrated. brought down to the lowest possible standard; that it They have year after year, at least for the last ten or should be limited to the actual exigencies of the Govern- twelve, represented to Congress, most earnestly and most ment, economically administered! Sir, can gentlemen respectfully, through their memorials, the injustice and be candid in such professions, and, at the same time, sup- the absurdity of holding all lands, without regarding port a measure so contradictory to them? Is it prudent quality or locality, at the same fixed price. They have to abstract so much from the treasury before any experi- urged investigation into the operation of the system, not ment has been made of the result of the new tariff? only in the mode alluded to, but through their represen Would it not be wiser to pause--to wait two or three tatives on this floor; but no investigation before this years--and see what effect that law will have upon the House has yet been permitted. Is it not due to these revenue? Again: at what time is this extraordinary mea- young States, which have so long and so earnestly ensure proposed? When the country is agitated, as it has treated the Government to reduce the price of its lands, been for some years, from one end to the other, on ac- to give, at least, a deliberate hearing to the proposition [ count of excessive and unequal taxation; when the near have offered? Is the request, that we may be heard, unapproach of the total extinguishment of the public debt reasonable? Or is the plan of graduating the price of had raised our hopes and expectations of relief; at such land, somewhat according to value, so abhorrent, as to a time, is this large amount of the ordinary means of be repelled at first sight? I cannot believe that any one supporting Government to be abstracted. It is emphati- would be so reckless as to assert or maintain the abcally a tariff measure; it is the pretext for higher rates of stract proposition, that all lands, rich or poor; that sandy duties, and a larger amount of revenue, through their pine barrens and river low grounds; or that sterile moun medium; it is the very reverse of what was reasonably to tains and fertile plains, ought to be placed on the same have been expected; it is calculated to heighten still footing as to price. Yet a refusal to vary the price in more the excitement, already fearful, and to jeopard still accordance with such considerations, and, still more, a remore the peace of the country, and the durability of our fusal to consider the policy and propriety of such varia institutions. I am aware that this is no argument with tion, amounts to nothing less. It appears from official some members of this House. It is none with those who returns of the registers and receivers of the different would refuse to cut off six millions of unnecessary taxa- land offices in 1828--and I adverted to the fact, when I tion; none with those who would incur the perils and had the honor to submit some remarks upon the subject hazards of civil war to extort this unnecessary amount early in the session--that more than eighty millions of from forty-nine-fiftieths of the anti-tariff portion of our acres had then been offered in the market, and remained population, on the pretended account of the indiscretion unsold. I then estimated the probable quantity now re or rashness of one-fiftieth; none with such as are capa-maining unsold, at one hundred millions. That estimate ble of adding fuel to the flame which already threatens was founded, in some degree, on conjecture; but it is to consume us by a deliberate, preconceived attempt to now ascertained, by the report of the Commissioner of drag into the discussion of that subject the slave ques- the General Land Office, made on the 22d January, of tion. But I trust such arguments will have their proper the present year, that the quantity remaining in that situa influence with the friends of justice--with men of honor tion on the 31st December, 1831, was 104,407,755 acres! and patriotism. I think they must have their influence Why does this vast amount of land remain in the market with those who regard the purity of this Government, unsold? For the obvious reason that it is not worth the and wish to preserve from impurity those who are en- price the Government asks for it; no reasonable man can gaged in its legislation. For my own part, if I desired to doubt the fact. As regards the State of Alabama, I can ensure the corruption of Congress, and at the same time speak from personal knowledge--the country has been an undue dependence of the States upon the General Go- always improved in advance of the public sales. In the vernment--if I wished to increase the power of the lat- county of Jackson alone, a county which I have the ter, and to weaken and degrade the former-I would honor to represent, there were from 1,700 to 1,800 freedesire no better means than such a policy as this bill pro- men actually settled before the first foot of land was poses, or a large surplus revenue for our yearly bargain- offered for sale. Owing to these considerations, proings and scran.blings. As regards a "distribution of the duced by the inviting freshness of our new lands more surplus revenue," L entertain the same opinion I expressed than their superior fertility, very few tracts, if any, can on an occasion somewhat memorable, near three years be found unsold, that are worth $1 25 per acre after be ago, "the best and fairest mode is to leave it in the ing offered at public sale. If all our exertions to obtain pockets of the people--the rightful owners."

a reduction of the price of this inferior description of Sir, the true policy of the Government, either regard- land have been unavailing heretofore, what may we ex ing its pecuniary interest or the welfare of its citizens, is pect, what can we hope, when each of the older States be embraced in my amendment--to reduce and graduate the comes directly interested in the amount which she is, sepa price of the public land according to the time it may rately, to receive out of the proceeds? If their repre have been in market. I do not mean to say that my sentatives refuse to mitigate the rigor of the system, when amendment is precisely right in its details; the time be- the proceeds are to go into the treasury of the United tween one reduction and another is unnecessarily long; States, merely in aid of the general revenue, to be used my purpose was to render it more acceptable. It would, for the common benefit, will they relax when these funds in my opinion, be better, in every point of view, to make are to relieve their constituents from taxation, for the every reduction in half the time proposed. Two years, support of their State Governments, and for all local puror two and a half, instead of five years, for instance, would poses? No, sir. If our prospects for an amelioration of be long enough to offer it at the present minimum, before the system have been heretofore gloomy, they would then it is reduced to one dollar per acre; and the like period be utterly hopeless. We should have no more laws to before it is reduced to seventy-five cents per acre, &c. relieve from distress and impending ruin, communities or But the principle of my amendment, regulating the re- individual purchasers. We might abandon, in despair, duction by the length of time the land may have been all idea of future pre-emption laws. The claims of the in market, is the most safe and proper one; unless prices had been graduated according to quality in the first instance. Against the present system, the Legislatures and peo

*At a public dinner, on the birthday of Mr. Jefferson,

settler, whose labor may have given value to the soil, would be totally disregarded, when, perhaps, his destruc tion and overthrow might be attended by the gain of few cents more per acre. It is surely unnecessary for me to inculcate upon the intelligent representatives of

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the American people, the duty and policy of protecting of a breach of our compacts with the States, or a violation and cherishing the man who sits down under the vine of the constitution, but it would render the measure less which has been planted and nurtured by his own care obnoxious to the charge of inexpediency and injustice. and toil. I need not urge the wisdom of converting transient wanderers into freeholders and happy and independent citizens of the republic. The House cannot be prepared to retard the growth and prosperity of the new States, by withholding the public domain from the hardy settlers, who would be permanent citizens; and giving them, in their stead, an itinerant and comparatively worth less population.

On another occasion, during the present session, the gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. WILLIAMS] seemed to think I had asked a total surrender of the lands to the States in which they lie. As I have before had no opportunity of reply, I will avail myself of this occasion to correct the gentleman, and do myself justice. I asked for no such thing. What I insisted upon was, that the Government should sell the land for what it was worth, reducing Sir, the present system operates most unfavorably and the price from time to time; and, when sales could no most severely on the class of people who are most enti- longer be made sufficient to indemnify for the expense of tled to the protection of the Government--the poor, but the system, to abandon the lands which were thus proved honest, industrious, and enterprising settler. This class to be worthless to the States. And I still maintain that of men cannot compete at land auctions with the wealthy this is the true and proper course of policy. The several planter, or the rich speculator. A settler of this descrip- States having land to dispose of, have sold it, in the first tion goes into the wild, subdues a little spot, and reduces instance, at very moderate prices, have subsequently reit to cultivation, by the sweat of his brow. It thence be-duced them to such as were merely nominal, and, finally, comes dear to him. But soon an auction comes; the rich granted them by way of donation. Although they receivcapitalist comes forward, with his thousands and tens of ed less money for their lands, they have found an ample thousands, and bids off this little spot, so endeared to equivalent in the character of their population, and the him, over his head; and acquires the power of driving improvement of their resources. All the European Gohim and his family from their humble home. What alter-vernments that have owned territory on this side of the native remains for this unfortunate man? The poor pri- Atlantic have pursued a similar, or even more liberal po vilege of removing to some tract of inferior land, perhaps licy with their domain. Such ought to be the policy of not worth 25 cents per acre, and too worthless to attract every wise and parental Government: our own stands a the attention, or excite the avarice, of his more powerful solitary exception.

competitor. Yet, for land of this description, he must Speaking in reference to this subject, the President give $125 per acre, or obtain no permanent interest in has said, in his late annual message, "It cannot be doubtthe soil. Is this sound policy? Is it wise? Is it just? Ied that the speedy settlement of these lands constitutes am sure, sir, it is neither. It is a policy injurious in the the true interest of the republic. The wealth and highest degree to the interests of the Government, and strength of a country are its population, and the best part grossly oppressive to those who have the highest claims of that population are the cultivators of the soil." To such to its protection and indulgence. sentiments, I think, every patriot and every philanthropist should respond with a cordial approbation. Of this class of our citizens, none deserve more favor from the Government than those honest and resolute pioneers who have opened the way for the settlement and improvement of our almost illimitable western regions; those who have defended our frontiers at the peril of their lives; and who have, by their adventurous daring, given to the history of the country an air of romance.

Mr. C. said he had thought the gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. WICKLIFFE,] at the head of the Committee on the Public Lands, would have opposed this bill. [Mr. WICKLIFFE here rose to explain. He had intended to offer an amendment to the bill, but the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. DUNCAN] had anticipated him, and the House had expressed its will against adopting the amendment. Mr. W. said he thus found himself in a strait betwixt two--either to leave the lands as they were, or to uphold the speculator: he preferred the former.]

Sir, I am exhausted, though the subject is not. The feeble state of my health must be my apology. I can only add my most earnest hope that the amendment I have offered may prevail.

The following are extracts from the report of Mr. Wickliffe, alluded to in the foregoing speech. (See report at large.)

Mr. C. said he was not satisfied with the gentleman's * explanation—the gentleman had not accounted for the change in his sentiments. Last session that gentleman made (what was called at the time) a very able report, going directly against every principle of this bill. The report was an able and conclusive response to the whole "The public lands should not be, they have not been, doctrine of its friends. But now the gentleman has regarded as a profitable source of revenue to the Federal changed his course. His apology seems to me wholly Government; nor should they be converted into the inadmissible. It would have been much better for him means of wealth to the several States. They should be to have said, "Tempora mutantur, et nos mutamur cum fostered and disposed of by the National Government, in illis." The amendment of the gentleman from Illinois, such manner, and upon such terms, as will be subservient to which the gentleman from Kentucky alluded, did not to the building up of great and flourishing communities, propose any graduation of price. But even since the whose members, when interested in and attached to the commencement of the present session, the gentleman soil, will give physical strength and moral force to the from Kentucky, from a minority of the Committee on nation.

the Public Lands, of whom he was one, reported an "The reduction of the revenue derived from the amendment to the bill No. 402 of the House, embrac-sales of the public lands, to be effectual and beneficial, ing the principle of this bill, so far as regards distribu- must be made in the price at which they are to be sold. tion, and accompanying it with provisions for graduating If the amount now received into the treasury be not rethe price of public lands, substantially as my amendment quired for the purposes of the Federal Government, (and proposes. The gentleman would have sustained his cha-sucli seems to be a conceded fact,) the committee are of racter for consistency much better, if he had at least of opinion it would be a better mode to rid the National fered this amendment. [For extracts from the report of Treasury of this unnecessary and dangerous influx of Mr. WICKLIFFE, above alluded to, see note at the end.] public money, to reduce the price of the public domain, Sir, if any thing can render the plan of distribution, pro- (and thereby render the acquisition of a home easy to all posed in the bill, tolerable to the new States, it will be in every condition of life,) than to sell the lands to the to accompany it with the principle of graduation. It is younger States, if they were willing to buy, and able to true that it would not remove the objections arising out pay.

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"Whilst the General Government shall continue to de- House was frequently in a state of extreme confusion and rive a revenue from the sales of public lands, it may be disorder. expected, at least it should be hoped for, that, in some Mr. POLK, who was in the chair, earnestly remonstrat mode, a sum of money equal to the exactions for the pub-ed, and implored the House to be mindful of its own dig. lic lands, will be thrown back by the public disbursements nity, and, however anxious they might be to act upon in those States so much affected by this constant drain of the bill, to respect the constitutional right of the member their circulating medium. from Mississippi to be heard.

*

"Can it be believed that, when the proceeds arising from the sales of the public lands shall become the separate property of the States, according to any ratio of division which will be agreed upon, the amount derived annually from the debtor by the creditor States, either for interest or principal, will be returned into circulation among those States thus made tributary?

"This difficulty and complaint of the new States with and against the General Government, will only be transferred to the several states who become the receivers, and, instead of peace, concord, and harmony among the States, we may expect to witness discontent and discord, bitter and unceasing.

*

*

Mr. PLUMMER said that, when he rose, he had been prepared for interruption and insult, but should not be intimidated from the discharge of his duty.

Mr. ROOT called Mr. PLUMMER to order, as having reflected in an offensive manner upon the House.

The CHAIR, however, pronounced him to be in order, *inasmuch as he had not said that the insult, to which he alluded, was intended or offered by the members of the House.

Mr. PLUMMER having at length concluded his remarks, the question was taken on Mr. CLAY's amend ment, which was rejected without a count.

Mr. CLAY offered it again, as an additional section to the bill. It was again negatived.

"In connexion with this subject, the committee have been called upon to consider the policy (so often the sub- Mr. MASON, of Virginia, moved an amendment, the ject of debate in the House of Representatives) of divid- effect of which would be, that the whole expense of sur ing the proceeds of the public lands among the several vey and sale of the land, and of the salaries of all officers States. This is a question surrounded by more difficulty connected therewith, including the expense of the Geneand embarrassment, and one upon which the committee ral Land Office, should be deducted before the proceeds were unable to unite in opinion. A majority of the com- of the land should be distributed. This amendment was mittee, however, believe that any pledge or disposition also rejected; when, of the proceeds of the public lands among the States, for State purposes, before the money shall have reached the treasury of the United States, would be unwise, and productive of incalculable injury to the States whose growth and prosperity so much depend upon the amelioration of the present system of disposing of the public lands by Congress. Pledge the proceeds to the States for State purposes, and all hope of further relief will be cut off. The new States may then calculate to pay the penalty of the bond, yea, even the pound of flesh.'

*

*

On motion of Mr. WICKLIFFE, the committee rose, and reported the bill and amendments to the House.

In the House, the amendments were read, and concur red in, with the exception of Mr. WICKLIFFE's proviso, which he himself, after examination, thought ought not to be adopted, inasmuch as the contingency for which he had intended it, would not exist.

Mr. MASON again pressed the amendment he had offered in committee.

It was supported by Mr. LEWIS, and opposed by Mr. WICKLIFFE; when

Mr. STEWART demanded the previous question, (which cuts off all pending amendments.)

The demand being seconded, Mr. MASON called for the yeas and nays.

lows:

"The power of the General Government to make this distribution may be well questioned. Those who contend for such distribution of the proceeds derive the power from the grants of the several States to the United States, and from the second section of the fourth article of the constitution of the United States. A recurrence They were ordered, and the previous question was to these grants, and an examination into the terms em- thereupon put, and carried: Yeas 91, nays 46. ployed, and the objects intended by them, may not be The main question, on ordering the bill to its third unprofitable in conducting the mind to a correct judg-reading, was then agreed to. ment upon the subject. The bill was read a third time, and the question being "A further reduction in the price of the public lands on its passage, it was decided by yeas and nays, as fulought to be made: the people in the new States look for it, and desire it. A reduction of the revenue of the Ge- YEAS--Messrs. Adams, Chilton Allan, Heman Allen, neral Government must take place: they regard the price Arnold, Babcock, Banks, Noyes Barber, John S. Barwhich the Government exacts from them, for the public bour, Barringer, Barstow, Beardsley, Briggs, Bucher, lands, as a tax, and a heavy tax. They have submitted to Bullard, Burd, Eleutheros Cooke, Bates Cooke, Cooper, it cheerfully, because it was needed to discharge the obli Corwin, Coulter, Crane, Crawford, Creighton, Daniel, gations of their Government. When the whole amount John Davis, Dearborn, Denny, Dewart, Dickson, Ells now derived from the sales of public land, united with worth, George Evans, Joshua Evans, Edward Everett, the other revenues of the Government which will be col- Horace Everett, Gilmore, Grennell, Hiland Hall, Hieslected under any possible modification of the tariff, will ter, Hodges, Hogan, Hughes, Huntington, Thrie, Irvin, not be required for the wants and purposes of the Fede- Jenifer, Joseph Johnson, Kavanagh, Kendall, Kennon, ral Government, can it be just that the same shall be ex- Adam King, Henry King, Kerr, Leavitt, Letcher, Maracted from the West by the action of the Federal Go-shall, Maxwell, McCarty, Robert McCoy, McKennan, vernment, to be given to the older and more opulent Mercer, Milligan, Muhlenberg, Nelson, Newton, Pearce, States, to be expended in those States for education, in- Pendleton, Pierson, Pitcher, Potts, Randolph, John Reed, ternal improvement, or general emancipation? Such a policy would be unjust and intolerable."

Root, Russel, Augustine H. Shepperd, Slade, Smith, Southard, Stanbery, Stewart, Sutherland, Taylor, Phile mon Thomas, John Thomson, Tompkins, Verplanck, Vinton, Wardwell, Washington, Watmough, Wilkin, Elisha Whittlesey, Frederick Whittlesey, Edward D. Mr. PLUMMER next obtained the floor, and held it White, Wickliffe, Williams--96.

Mr. MARDIS obtained the floor, and addressed the committee for about an hour in opposition to the bill, and in favor of the amendment proposed by Mr. CLAY.

until 10 o'clock, in a speech directed against the bill, NAYS--Messrs. Alexander, Archer, Ashley, Barnand in support of the amendment. Repeated attempts well, Bethune, John Blair, Boon, Cambreleng, Carr, were made to induce him to resume his seat, and the Chinn, Claiborne, Clay, Coke, Duncan, Felder, Gordon,