The equality of men, at their birth; that is, of infants--if true, would have no useful application to them, when grown; when they are avowedly unequal--and when they become, both the organs, and subjects, of government.

But, whether men be equal, or not; it is never to be forgotten, by either the moralist, or politician, that they have senses, and perceptions, which are common to all; if in various perfection; and which constitute the common basis of rights in all; rights, of whatever magnitude, or description, equally sacred, if not equally valuable--and alike to be respected, and protected, according to their nature; whether adhering, to the poor, or to the rich--the ignorant, or the learned--the simple, or the wise. Among the most prominent, and comprehensive of these, are the rights respectively, of life, liberty, and property. Antecedent to the institution of government, these rights, but ill defined, seem to be subject to continual abuse, and a precarious enjoyment; evils, which if for any thing, government is ordained as the remedy. Inasmuch, therefore, as all who were to become parties to the government, either as governors, or governed, had rights according to their circumstances; it seems but reasonable that all should be represented in the convention, which was to limit pretensions-define rightssecure possession, and enjoyment; in which last word, all are included; and hence, that the convention of 1787, were right in authorizing that of 1788, to be chosen by the "free male inhabitants" of full age, without exception.

Nor should the observation be omitted, that their proceedings exhibited none of those sentiments, or proposals, which constrain the mind to run on to an absolute and total separation from Virginia, and the confederation, to find a resting place.

The reason indeed, will be obvious, when the fact is known, that the leader of violent separation, was not in the convention; being on his voyage to New Orleans. Mr. Brown, was probably in Virginia; having been that year, clected to the legislature. If Innis, and Sebastian, were present, they were not yet prepared to lead in such an enterprise-for they were then, but

as common troopers. While the eyes of Muter, being opened, he had drawn back, to constitutional ground.

The idea of separation in its origin, was entirely loyalintended to be pursued in the course pointed out by propriety, and sanctioned by the constitution, and laws; with the view, and no other, of being embraced in the circle of confederated states.

When it was found that the legislature sanctioned this idea, it was as reasonable, as it was natural, to cast about the inquiry, Who would be proper representatives for the new state, in the congress of the United States? Nor, was this omitted among the friends of separation.

At the time, it is to be remembered, that each state sent as many members to congress, as it pleased; having but one effective vote; paid them as it pleased; and continued, or recalled, them, as it pleased. These being truly, the days of state sovereignty: happily, long since abolished.

After, however, the separation had been delayed, as already detailed, the propriety of having one of the Virginia delegation, from this district, was strongly urged by the same description of persons--even the convention requested it; as no doubt it was understood among certain characters, a motion would be made to that effect: and to which no reasonable objection, could be foreseen. The concert, was with as little doubt, if not with the same general knowledge or assent, extended further; and Mr. Brown, became a member of the Virginia legis. lature, from Kentucky: to which allusion, has been made; expecting the appointment, which he received.

It is to be understood, that during the time the question of separation had been agitated from 1784, until, the period in contemplation, no state of the Indian war, no fear that the navigation of the Mississippi would be sold, or bartered, by congress-nor any debates about the time of assuming government, had hindered emigration; or stopped the improvement of the country. While in fact, the people, in addition, to a profuse abundance of the substantial good things of life; enjoyed, with occasional and partial interruptions, much security,

and repose. So that it may be safely estimated, the population had doubled within the last three years-and that, in this accession, were many genteel families, and well informed men.

In December, the appointment of Mr. Brown to congress, was announced to his clients, by Harry Innis; who attended to his law business, in his absence.

As Mr. Brown, has already been introduced into this history, under circumstances of some conspicuity; and traced to a seat in congress; whence his conduct became still more interesting; the liberty will be taken at this place, of presenting the reader with an introductory sketch of that gentleman's biography. It may suffice to say:

He was the son of a respectable clergyman, who preached to several presbyterian congregations, in the counties of Augusta, and Rockbridge, Virginia. And while many other young men of his age were engaged in the arduous struggle for liberty, and independence; Mr. Brown, was too remote from danger, and too intent upon finishing his education, to hear the call on his patriotism-if in truth, he ever possessed an atom of patriotism, to be called on. He finished his education, about the close of the war--and was pronounced a classical scholar. He had attained a portly size-was of mature age-and moreover, a lawyer, previous to his arrival in Kentucky, in 1783. The district court, presented a convenient theatre for him, at Danville. To make his fortune was next his aim; and he set himself down, to reduce his theory to practice, in the line of his profession.

No man who had then arrived in Kentucky, made his appearance, under more favourable auspices, than Mr. Brown. His father was popular in his vocation-many of his church members, and others of the same fraternity, had removed to Kentucky; and readily transferred to the son, the friendship and regard, they felt for the father. Besides, Mr. Brown, was supposed to possess talents of the first class, and obtained credit to their full amount. He looked able to take on himself a share of the defence of the country, a circumstance not unnoticed-accommodated himself to the temper of the times-

had a fair reputation-and was thought to have identified his own prosperity, with that of Kentucky. A large proportion of business, and it was rapidly increasing, was placed in the hands of Mr. Brown--in the same proportion, he acquired popularity.

It has been seen, that he was a member of the convention in 1786--that in 1787, he was one of those who addressed the people on the subject of the Mississippi-and was in the assemblage, convened, on that occasion--that in the same year, he was elected to the state legislature--and was thence, delegated to congress. It is in the latter capacity, as one of the national council, that he will be exhibited, as an object of public attention.

In the mean time, the Indians, deficient in neither information, nor reflection, as to what concerned themselves immediately; could but observe, that the British still held the posts on the lakes-which congress had informed them were some time before, to have been surrendered to the United States, as the consequence of their victory in the late war. They continued to get their usual supplies from these posts, or from British traders; nor could they be obtained elsewhere-they even doubted whether the congress had been conqueror--they thought themselves imposed upon-and they were uncasy

under their treaties.

For however, hostilities, had been checked, or suspended, they had occasionally occurred, on both sides; and the parties exasperated against each other, were again at war. A real misfortune in the conducting of it, proceeded from the impossibility of discriminating, the well, from the ill disposed Indians; and the consequent involvement of all in the acts of retaliation, or of war, which ensued. While the Indians holding revenge, a virtue; and ever prompt to inflict it; fell upon, and made victims of the first white people, whom they could find, or chance threw in their way. In consequence of this state of things, each party, became at times the aggressor; and the way extended, to all the neighbouring tribos.

This year, with forty-six men, Simon Kenton pursued a large party of Indians to their camp, where New Market now stands. They had just decamped; which was a fortunate circumstance, for he ascertained by their sign, that they were at least, twice his number.

The Indians took a wagon on the road near the Blue licks, and made a man by the name of Scott, prisoner; Kenton, with a party, followed the Indians thirty miles over the Ohio, and retook Scott.

In the preceding year, with thirty-six men, he crossed the Ohio-surprised a camp-defeated a large party of Indians, on Bullskin; and retook their plander. In this year, he commanded a volunteer company, on Colonel Logan's expedition.

In December, the Indians took a small station at Drennon's lick, rather detached from the close settlements; two men were killed the enemy immediately abandoned the place-without pursuit; and so is closed the account of the occurrences of the year.