of their public servants, as well in the late convention, as in congress and particularly to put them on their guard, against the unconstitutional assumption, of independent government; contemplated by both, the convention, and Mr. Brown. And which was deemed indispensable to the consummation of the Spanish plot. But such was then the point of honour with Judge Muter, that as it was, a private letter and from a correspondent, in confidence, although it disclosed a new hatched, and growing treason, he withheld the publication, at the time; but afterwards, in 1790, yielded it to the solicitation of James M. Marshall, who for mentioning it, and its character, had been aspersed, by a brother of Mr. Brown; and found it necessary to produce it, for his own justification. And thus it came to the knowledge of the public.

But before it was published, the development, had been rendered inefficient, by the prevalence of party feelings, and the ascendency obtained by Mr. Brown, and the Spanish agents,, in Kentucky. Nor was it until the Innis, and Sebastian, explosion in 1806; and which will occupy a well merited attention at the proper place--that it was received by the people of the country, with the proper impression, and effect. Such had been the popular delusion.

In the mean time, Mr. Brown, triumphing under any denomination of party, other than federalist--which in its origin, and still, according to its true import, means, a friend to the federal constitution--continued for eighteen years, to be elected to the şenate of the United States, by the legislature of Kentucky.

It is still the province of history, as it always has been, to exhibit, however late, the real merits of both, public men, and measures. It is no less a property of its character, to illustrate by observation and remark, whatsoever it narrates, as maiter of fact. Could it be indelibly impressed upon the mind of every public servant, that the true character of his transactions, would be presented to him in his lifetime, and handed down to posterity, in the history of his country, it would surely keep him from committing acts of treachery; although it might not. make him an able statesman.

The care which Mr. Brown took to conceal, his intrigue with Gardoqui, from the public eye, is of itself evidence, of its sinister character. It was not, that he was not conscious of its criminality, but that he had not virtue enough to overcome the allurements which it offered him, that he cherished the treachery, involved in the proposition, to violate the laws and constitutions of his country; in order to place Kentucky in a situation, to make him a minister to Spain, or the Spanish monarchy. For what less could he expect, after putting Kentucky out of the union; and thus laying the foundation of a commercial connexion with the court of his Most Faithful Majesty? But it is unimportant to inquire, what employments, what pensions, what emoluments, Mr. Brown expected to receive, either from Spain, or Kentucky. The only interesting point in his character, will be seen in the nature, and conscquences, of the measures which he countenanced, and as far as he dared to speak or act, suggested, sanctioned, and promoted. That he was not the open and bold advocate, of the clandestine measures which he fostered, is to be ascribed to the cautious timidity of the man; not to any abhorrence of the guilt attached to them.

It is true, that history furnishes the details, of treacheries, and of treasons, not only projected, but executed--and yet it shall be rare to find a case so unprovoked--so destitute of apology--so criminal in its principle--and so pernicious in its potential consequences-so incubated, parturated, and cold blooded-as that disclosed in the letter of Mr. Brown, to Judge Muter. There have been men, who, impelled by a sense of injury, or fired by an ambitious delirium, have rushed to arms at the risk of life, and fortune, staked on their success. But these furnished no example, for the imitation of Mr. Brown. He seems rather to have taken for his prototype, the famous Guy Fawkes; and to have laid a train, whose projected explosion, was to have terminated the liberty of his country--by attaching it, to the kingdom of Spain.

A very brief discussion, will place the character of Mr. Brown's project of disunion, beyond a doubt,

It was in fact, but a more precise development of that, indicated in the proceedings of the convention-by exhibiting to the unhoodwinked eye, the Spanish minister ready to take the country under his protection-would it, but proceed to organize an independent government; and keep itself out of the union. For while Kentucky remained a part of the union, even Mr. Gardoqui, could do nothing for her!!!

Thus Mr. Brown, after recommending an immediate breach with Virginia, and of course, with the United States, framing, and organizing, a government, adds: "I have been assured by him, (Mr. Gardoqui) in the most explicit terms, that if Kentucky will declare her independence, and empower some proper person to negotiate with him, that he has authority, and will engage to open the navigation of the Mississippi for the exportation of their produce on terms of mutual advantage. But that this privilege never can be extended to them, while a part of the United States, by reason of commercial treaties existing between the court of Spain and other powers of Europe."

Any further comment on the letters of Mr. Brown, although open to many more, is thought unnecessary. The main point intended to be proved by them, was: that he, while a member of congress entered into a clandestine intrigue with the minister of Spain, to separate Kentucky from Virginia, and the union, and allach her to the Spanish monarchy. Considering therefore that the proof is abundant, all further inference and imputation, is left with those who choose to make them. To aid which, see Appendix. (C. and D.)

Those who consider it possible, for the members of a state, and of the United States, governments, to owe them allegiance, and faith, will doubtless be of opinion, that the official situation of a member of congress renders him more than ordinarily responsible, for their violation.

To those who duly appreciate, the dangerous tendency of intrigues with foreign agents, on the subject of government-a conduct forever to be forbidden to the citizens of republicscan but see in one, whose object it was, to sever a state from the union; the conception, and mental adoption at least, of the highest crime, that a citizen can commit.

Yes, if there is any one precept in politics, more important than any other; and therefore deserving more than any besides, to be impressed on the minds of the people of the United States-it is, "Preserve the union of the states." The next to this, and but little inferior in its character, is that, which, teaches all, to "preserve from violation, both state, and federal constitutions." Precepts, which this history will have but too frequent occasion to shew, have not heretofore been sufficiently regarded.

It remains with those only who confound all moral distinctions, to place such as respect the constitutions, on the same footing, with those who violate them-and consign to the same grade of estimation, those who labour to subvert, with such as exert themselves for the preservation of, the union. And yet, alas! the history of Kentucky, will but too often reflect this picture of moral disorder and deformity, on the mental vision of the reader.

At the July convention, to which there has been frequent allusion, those of the leaders, who favoured a violent separation, had an opportunity of conferring together, of interchanging ideas, and of concerting, as far as they thought circumstances would bear them out, the course to be pursued, for attaining their end and aim. The communications of Mr. Brown, to some of them, were rendered common, to all such, as had given evidence of alienation, from the union; and from all constitutional obligations. They held, one of those meetings, well known by the name of caucus-that is, for the transaction of clandestine business-in which Harry Innis, then attorney general for the district of Kentucky, upon hearing the proposition, for a declaration of independence, and immediate organization of government, contrary to law; exclaimed, "It will do! it will do!" and paced the room for joy; as if in a proposal to commit treason, he had found a new moral; excellence. This man, it has been seen, was in the confidence of Mr. Brown. He was equally the humble servant of General Wilkinson. In the spring of the year, he had selected a trusty hand, to carry the general's secret despatches, to the governor of New Orleans-and continued to serve him, in that, and

such other, menial capacities, as one gentleman, could impose upon another, for years: and doubtless, so long as they were in the service of Spain. The following epistle, as late as the 19th of October, 1794, is of this description.

"SIR: I wish to get an express to go to the Natchez, and as you have been several times to that place, and as I can confide în your integrity, it is my wish to employ you upon this occasion, you will therefore greatly oblige me, in case it shall suit you to undertake this trip, by coming to see me in two or three days. Keep this subject to yourself, as I wish not to make it public.

"I am, Sir, your most obedient servant,

"Captain RICHARD TAYLOR."

"HARRY INNIS.

An interview took place, when it was disclosed to Captain Taylor, that he was wanted to convey despatches from Wilkinson, to the Spanish governor. Five hundred dollars was demanded, and promised, for the service; but the captain not then desiring the employment, pointed out a man from Natchez; to whom it is believed, the packet was committed.

It has been seen, that this dignitary of the law, had in the preceding year, of 1787, declined to prosecute for a breach of treaty--and suggested to the executive of the commonwealth, his opinion, that Kentucky would erect an independent government, And it will be further seen from his own deposition, given in 1806, under singular circumstances, what extensive outspreading branches, had sprung from these seeds of disloyalty, and corruption, among the popular demagogues of the country.

Nevertheless, to this day, it is matter of doubt, whether the head, or the heart, of this man, is most to be pitied, censured, or despised. Some suppose him not only weak in reasoning, and in judgment, but corrupt, and debased in principle; while others think, that the imbecility of his intellect, the prevalence of his vanity, and the importance of his office as criminal prosecutor, exposed him to flattery, and presented him as an object to be caught by the conspirators; on whom Wilkinson,