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first laid his hands, and secured-for his own indemnity. And that thus prepared, he became the ready associate, and willing coadjutor of Brown, Sebastian, and the rest. For it would have been as impossible for the ATTORNEY GENERAL to have prosecuted a Spaniardized insurgent, as it had been for the same officer, to prosecute those who violated a treaty with the Indians.

During the time, these intrigues were concocting, and progressing, the utmost care was taken to keep from those, whose integrity, and known attachment to a legal course, left no room for the approach of corruption, every scrip of Mr. Brown's communications; by every one of the CAUCUS. Even, when the advocates, for the powers proposed to be given to the November convention, to “organize government," were told that the measure was illegal; they uniformly denied, that it was intended, to execute them.

The vanity, sanguine temper, or incaution, of General Wilkinson, did nevertheless, render him more than suspected of a settled purpose to effect disunion, even as early as the origin of these extraordinary powers. It was recollected, that as far back, as 1786, he had publicly advocated a separation, "contrary to law"-that in the next year, he embarked for Orleans; having first assumed some insignia peculiar to professors of the Roman catholic religion; and that instead of his calling on his near neighbour, Colonel Marshall, with whom, until then, he had kept up, the social intercourse, and who, at his request, was to have given him a letter of introduction to Colonel Bruin, formerly from the same county, of Virginia; but at the time, resident on the Mississippi-he passed in sight of his door, without the slightest notice--that he returned the ensuing February-was without offence, called a Spanish subject-and in March, with some caution indeed, had sent despatches to the Spanish governor, at Orleans, from whence he had received, as he let it be known, responses favourable to his purposes. Commercial, they were said to be. And this mercantile envelope, it was, which served to conceal from the detection of ordinary observation, the premeditated TREASON.

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In addition to these reminiscences, the following testimony has been given by a resident of Orleans at the time, and whose peculiar situation, placed the facts detailed within his own knowledge.

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"General Wilkinson, had migrated as he says, to Kentucky some years before, being then, as we learn from the same source, in moderate, if not indigent circumstances; in the year 1787, he planned and executed the project of opening a trade between the western country, and New Orleans-seconded by some merchants of that city. He impressed the government with a high idea of his influence in Kentucky, and used means (which in his own language it would not be necessary, nor obligatory, nor HONOURABLE, to detail) in order to procure for himself the exclusive trade between Kentucky, and New Orleans."

Again: "This transaction was in 1787; for some time he had been trading with Isaac B. Dunn, of Kentucky; on the 3d of August, 1788, Wilkinson, and Dunn, entered into articles. of partnership with Daniel' Clarke of New Orleans, for their mutual benefit in trade."

These documents, present to the mind two distinct engagements into which General Wilkinson had entered, at Orleans: one with the government, by which he had obtained the exclu sive privilege of trading to that port; and to obtain which he had used means, not necessary, nor obligatory, nor Honourable, to be disclosed;-the other, merely commercial, and which as usual, was committed to a formal contract. This double plot, it was, which perplexed the best informed men in Kentucky, at that day-as the clandestine, and dishonourable part, was carefully concealed from all but coadjutors; and that which was ostensible, enabled Wilkinson to carry on his political intrigue for many years; and finally to escape the punishment, due to his perfidy-to the no small emolument of himself and others; and to the very great annoyance of better, and honester men. But more of this, in its due order of time. W*

VOL. I.

In the mean while, it may be remarked, that in the perplexity of congress, to enforce its treaties with the Indians, either on the one side, or the other; on the 1st of September, it was

"Resolved, That the secretary at war be, and he is hereby directed to have a sufficient number of troops in the service of the United States in readiness to march from the Ohio to the protection of the Cherokees, whenever congress shall direct the same; and that he take measures for obtaining information of the best routes for troops to march from the Ohio, to Chota, and for dispersing all the white inhabitants settled upon, or in the vicinity of the hunting grounds secured to the Cherokees by the treaty concluded between those Indians and the United States, November 28th, 1785, agreeably to the proclamation of congress of this date.

"Resolved, That copies of the said proclamation and of these resolutions, be transmitted to the executives of Virginia and North Carolina, and that the said states be and they are hereby requested to use their influence, that the said proclamation may have its intended effect, to restore peace and harmony between the citizens of the United States, and the Cherokees, and to prevent any further invasions of their respective rights and possessions; and in case congress shall find it necessary to order troops to the Cherokee towns, to enforce a due obser vance of the said treaty, that the said states be, and they are hereby requested to co-operate with the said troops for enforcing such observance of said treaty."

These resolutions being published in Kentucky, furnished new means to the disaffected, with which to heat the feelings, and inflame the minds of the people, already rendered combustible, against congress; and to spread existing suspicions as to the policy of the atlantic, and especially the eastern, states, in relation to the western country. Congress, it was suggested, was ready to join the Indians, in the war, against the white people; and the proclamation referred to, was said to be the declaration of hostilities.

These measures of congress, are believed to have removed no white man, although such had encroached, on the lands of the Indians; nor to have any other effect, than to irritate.

It was not until several years afterwards, that the govern ment of the United States, no longer in the humiliated condition, of issuing requisitions, was compelled, in good faith, to this devoted race of men, to carry the spirit of the aforesaid proclamation into effect, by a detachment of troops. A measure always to be deprecated-yet often called for, by the wickedness of some, the weakness of others, or the negligence, of all-whom it may concern.

In Kentucky, the expectation of a speedy separation by legal means, enabled the intelligent and well disposed, to allay the ferment, and to preserve the peace, and good order, of the district. Such are the usual happy consequences of cherishing. respect, for the constitution, and laws, for which Kentucky, as a part of Virginia, had been exemplary, until infected by the Spanish intrigue and which a large majority, could they have seen its iniquitous deformity, would have spurned with contempt: and whose general good habits, saved them from the snare that had been laid for them—and passed them safely into the federal union, instead of being delivered over to his Catho lic Majesty!

Nevertheless, they have been exposed to various trials, and have escaped more, and greater machinations, against their peace, and happiness, than they either conceived, or appre hended.

One plain truth, inseparable from the subject of separating from Virginia, and organizing government, contrary to law, cannot be too strongly impressed-it would have EXCLUDED KENTUCKY FROM THE UNION. For neither the old, nor the new, congress, under such circumstances, could have admitted her? But Spain, would have received her. While Wilkinson, Brown, Innis, Sebastian, and others, were for placing her in that situation. Of that, the intrigue, in part, and yet mora fully to be exposed, is the conclusive proof,

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CHAP. XIV.

Proceedings in the Convention of November-Further develop ments of the intrigue with Spain-Contest of parties, for, and against, declaration of independence-Separation postponed, and new act-Indian hostility, and other incidents, noticed.

[1788] HAVING detailed the proceedings and result of the convention of July, 1788, and exposed the intrigue of Mr. Brown with Gardoqui, and of Wilkinson, at Orleans-and exhibited some characteristic traits of others; it occurs in course, to narrate the transactions of November, in the same. year.

The 3d of the month being appointed, for the meeting of the convention-on the 4th, there was a quorum; and on the 5th, it proceeded to consider the important objects of its meeting.

The resolution of congress on the subject of separation, being really the document which placed their duties before them, was called for; and being read, was referred to a committee of the whole-into which the convention was immediately resolved, and Mr. Wilkinson called to the chair.

The discussion which ensued, presently led to an inquiry into the powers of the convention; when it was ascertained that the resolutions of the former convention, whence this was supposed to derive its powers, had not been referred to the committee. Already had the leaders of the two parties discovered themselves. Those who were determined on the regular course of obtaining separation, and an independent state, with the consent of Virginia, and of congress, thought the subject fully before the committee, on the papers which had been referred to them; and made some opposition to the committee's rising. On the other side, it was contended that a committee of the whole on the state of the district, should not deliberate, without having the subject of the Mississippi

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