entangled by an immense number of legislative enactments and local regulations, that, in the present state of affairs, a more enlightened and broader policy is loudly claimed by the Commercial Association of Oporto, which embraces the most patriotic and instructed men of that large city.

Among the greatest deeds of the immortal Marquis de Pombal, is the establishment of the Royal Douro Wine Company, to counteract the long exercised monopoly of the English company known as the English Oporto factory. The King himself was the first stockholder of the newly formed national company. When this patriotic measure was adopted in 1755, it excited the strongest complaints on the part of the British merchants resident of Oporto, and by their malignant suggestions and instigations a large number of poor, narrow-minded inhabitants of the wine region were so misled as to attempt an insurrection, which the strong arm of the uncompromising minister succeeded in repressing, not without some difficulty and bloodshed. The first effect of the establishment of the Royal Douro Wine Company was, that the exportations of the port-wine which, during the twenty years previous to that event, never exceeded 18,000 pipes, amounted in 1757 to to 35,000, and the price which, on account of the British monopoly, had been kept down to 45 milreis per pipe, suddenly rose to 125 milreis. However, the many and important political changes occurred since that epoch, and the material progress of all human speculations in our days, induce us to hope and wish that the privileges still enjoyed by the Royal Douro Wine Company, may soon be abolished, together with the many burdens and vexatious regulations which embarrass the wine trade and exportations in Oporto. The first quality wine exported to all foreign countries, is taxed with an export duty of 15 milreis per pipe, part of which is paid for the benefit of the said Royal Company.

The total amount of the receipts of the custom-house of Oporto in the fiscal year 1841 to 1842, was 5,393,950 R's.

L. W. T.

Art. VII.-COMMERCIAL BENEFITS OF SLAVERY.*

To FREEMAN HUNT, Editor of the Merchants Magazine.

DEAR SIR-In discussing this subject apparent digressions will be made, owing to the intimate relations existing, and the dependence of Commerce on the stability of governments.

* We published in the Merchants' Magazine for April, 1853, an article on "THE MORAL BENEFITS OF SLAVERY," Communicated by Dr. PRICE, of Spencerville, Alabama; and in June another communication under the title of "THE MORAL RESULTS OF SLAVERY," from the Rev. T. W. HIGGINSON, of Worcester, Massachusetts, designed by the writer as a reply to the remarks of Dr. Price. In publishing the last-named paper, we remarked, in substance, that both were admitted with equal reluctance, because although, as Dr. Price argues, "Slaves are considered and used as merchantable property," and as such may be an appropriate subject in the pages of a mercantile work, it was not the mercantile aspect of that topic which he discussed. Now the "moral benefits or the moral results" of Slavery, apart from their commercial and industrial bearing, are not topics falling within the design of the Merchants' Magazine. As, however, Dr. Price has seen fit to discuss what he terms "The Commercial Benefits of Slavery," we are induced, in accordance with the rule which we have frequently laid down, and to which we have uniformly adhered, of allowing a free and fair discussion of mooted points, falling within the range of the work, to admit the present communication;

1. That the results of slave labor furnish the basis for Commerce, and that it cannot be furnished with constancy by any other description of labor. 2. The tendency which Slavery has in giving stability to governments. 3. The contributions of slavery to national wealth.

To maintain the leading clause of the first proposition, we look to the statistics of those governments which exercise the most diffusing and powerful influence on Commerce; it is shown the articles of cotton, sugar, rice, and tobacco, (which are almost exclusively the products of slave labor,) constitute nearly two-thirds of the exports of the United States; on the exports are mainly dependent the imports, from which is derived government revenue; hence those articles not only form the basis of external Commerce, but are the means through which two-thirds of her revenue is raised.

The product of slave labor is of acknowledged supremacy with Great Britain, not only as a commercial and manufacturing basis, but as a means of adding stability to the government, by furnishing employment to men, and money necessary for internal protection. Articles of merchandise giving healthful tone to the trade of these governments, must to a great extent affect the Commerce of all with which they have intercourse; which extends, directly or indirectly, to the known world. To render slaves profitable, strict regard must be had to their health, comfort, and happiness; with these contributions, fidelity and usefulness will be the return under proper manage

ment.

The African race being the only one now recognized as slaves, in the full sense of the term, these remarks will pertain to such, although there are others, as virtually slaves, with the (supposed) mild and qualifying epithets of serf, peyean, apprentice, hirelings, servant, laborer, subject, tenant, debtor, &c., many of them with fewer allowed privileges, under the penalty of dismissal or imprisonment for neglect of duty, with the horrors of want to follow in their train.

and in justice to the writer, and the Magazine, we take the liberty of subjoining the note of Dr. Price; as a preface to his remarks, without further comment:

Mr. FREEMAN HUNT:

SPENCERVILLE, ALABAMA, July 20, 1843.

DEAR SIR-I feel it a duty to offer an apology for sending you this article, after your note under Mr. Higginson's nominal reply to my April article. I assure you that it is not with the view of inviting discussion that my article on Slavery is sent to your journal; and had resolved in advance not to notice any reply that might be made. Because I have no idea of convincing any one (at least to bring them to the point of admission) whose prejudices are established against slavery; but their noticing my article is an evidence that public attention has been arrested, and that a spiri of investigation is up, inside of their public replies;-effect this and I am satisfied. The main object I have in sending my articles to your journal, is in consequence of the high value I attach to it in the hands of planters. I believe the statistics gathered from it saved for me more than a thousand dollars in the sale of 250 bales of cotton of last year's crop, by enabling me to price it according to the rule of supply and demand. Having no selfishness in my composition, I want to see it in the hands of every planter, feeling confident that they will esteem it, as I do, a faithful financial friend. You may inquire why it is necessary to publish such communications to secure its currency in the South. Í answer, because there have appeared in it frequently, articles, the leading views of which were opposed to our institution of Domestic Slavery; and I have often heard the remark made, that it was not a work adapted to the tastes and feelings of slave-holders on that account. 1 concluded and often expressed the opinion, from the liberal tone of its editor generally, the one-sided appearance of the work was owing entirely to the want of articles being furnished on the opposite. And when my April article appeared, I felt confident in the opinion, and a different judgment respecting your jour nal became general among my acquaintances. Now sir, if you can, consistently with your views, admit this article into your journal, be assured that any reply to it will pass unnoticed by me, at least through your pages. I think the proper course would be to forbid any article purporting to be a reply; but if any writer should send independent articles, setting forth his views on this subject, they should receive proper consideration. As slaves certainly are merchandise, I venture to send you this, hoping that you will not consider it discourteous; with the request that, should its publication not meet your views, you will return the manuscript at my expense; with the assurance that such refusal will not alter my estimate of Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, or create disappointment. Yours, with high respect,

WM. S. PRICE.

As to the health of slaves, every one is aware of its importance, hence no remark is necessary. Comfort and happiness are so nearly synonymous, when applied to the slave population, that to add the one the other follows, as a result. These blessings are to be conferred, by administering a welldigested police, by keeping them employed in a climate and atmosphere adapted to their physical nature, to the ext nt of substituting moral employment and instruction for the vicious-inclinations and actions which are the legitimate fruits of idleness. The business of planting affords such employ

ment and location.

Cotton, sugar, rice, and tobacco, can be produced for commercial purposes, only in a mild climate, and by such labor as can be controlled; to make a crop of either, and prepare it for market, requires the entire year's work, the least relaxation or neglect, in preparing the land, planting, cultivation, or gathering, insures defeat. Can such labor be found outside of Slavery; in other words, can these staples be produced, by any other labor than such as can be sent to the field and compelled to stay there until a fair day's work is done, for a succession of years; which is necessary according to the present method of planting and the demands of Commerce?

The experiment has been tried both in this and other countries, with strong inducements presented to the laborers for their continuance in the business with the necessary energy, but without any thing like success, they preferring a change of employment, although want should be the consequence, rather than submit to the constant labor in the sun, which is essential for the production of these staples; although there is immense territory in the same climate with our own adapted to cotton-raising, yet threefourths of that which is used in Commerce is made by the well directed slave labor of the Southern States; and so far as the labor is involved the same may be said of sugar, rice, and tobacco. Curtail the supply of these four staples, to the extent that experience has proven would be the case if any other description of labor was to be relied on for their production, and what would be the condition of Commerce? War, pestilence, and famine, would not have such an effect on the world's prosperity; it is likely they would be confined to localities, but the other would be of world-wide effect, not only by land but by sea likewise; the affliction would not be confined to commercial communities, but every class would feel it; not alone those who are engaged in manufacturing these staples, they being thrown out of employment would crowd other professions, which would be the means of reducing wages below a living, besides the awful doom that would await the present operatives engaged in their production, as vagabonds they would wander on the face of the earth until the masses would be hunted down and destroyed by their more enlightened neighbors, as has been with some, and will be the fate of all the aboriginal tribes of America; thus the calamity would be diffused through every branch of business and every class of society, from the hamlet to the palace, its blighting effect would be felt. That Commerce is dependent on government for protection, no question will arise; a government, to enjoy the confidence of Commerce, and be able to extend protection, must have stability, and that stability is dependent on the subordination of the mass of her population, which is regulated either by their intelligence or their privileges. The masses of almost every coun try are ignorant as to the requisites necessary to give form and stability to government; and in all that are densely populated experience has proven the necessity of abridging the suffrage privilege, which some do by requiring

a high property qualification, others by title and grade in society; by which means the mass of common laborers have equivalent privileges with absolute slaves in making laws to govern themselves or reform the government. By the concentration of power in the hands of those possessing an identity of interests, causing power and interest mutually to protect each other from encroachments by the masses, has given stability to many European governments of long standing. The evidence we have that it is this policy which has given them stability, is to be found in the case of those governments which, for a time, adopted the popular or republican form; such as France, Greece, Mexico, the States of South America, &c., where their stability amounted to a biennial change; falling into the hands of such as were able to secure the favor of the masses, independent of merit or the form of government to be administered when in power. Thus demonstrating that the republican form of government cannot be enjoyed by a people until educated in view of it, which can be done only by a system of general political education, conducted by liberty of speech and of the press; and the fact is not yet proven that they can be fully and safely tolerated among any other people than such as have been taught their use during the formation of national character. Yet their toleration is absolutely necessary to the formation and perpetuation of a republican form of government; hence it is the slave States of this Union that may be looked to for its stability; if not the dominant, the conservative power should remain in their hands.

The slave population precludes immigration to the extent of a dangerous adulteration, by supplying labor, which will preserve in its original purity a white population, which has inherited the free and safe use of speech and of the press, as a sure means of perpetuating this government, which was conceived and brought forth in view of the institution of domestic slavery. This species of property has the tendency to produce among those who are living in its midst, and are interested in its management, an identity of interest and feeling, a fondness for the same constitution and laws, that has been found to work well for Africa's once valueless and benighted sons, for their perpetual guardians the moral and commercial world. Although political aspirants, and other restless spirits, may arouse and array party feeling for a time, yet when the vital interests of the country are at stake, its constitution and laws, there is but one sentiment, although they may differ as to action; so long as a people entertaining sentiments in common on questions of government arising from its adaptation to their interests, and have power, there can be no danger of its stability, or of its commercial prosperity from within.

That the productions of slave labor add largely to the wealth and power of the United States is founded on the fact, that nearly three-fourths of her surplus production is the result of this description of labor: and it is only such surplus being thrown into commercial channels that can bring the wealth of other countries to this, (except by a free gift,) which only could be considered a true addition or contribution to national wealth; all other means (strictly speaking) being the development of internal resources. Commercial preparations and wealth are necessary concomitants when a nation has to exercise offensive or defensive power; it is the surplus production that gives rise to such preparations, hence much of the wealth which is added from without, and of the power which enables her to command respect abroad, is referable to her slave institution either directly or indi

rectly. Much of this reasoning is applicable to other nations dealing largely in the products of slave labor, although they may disclaim the existence of positive or perpetual slavery within the pale of their governments. The true interest of every country is to encourage the useful arts, in view of the development of all of her natural resources, the idle waters, wild soil, things on the surface, hidden treasures beneath, and the air which sweeps above are her's for culture and improvement, by which the national character is magnified, and physical support increased for a much larger population. To effect this in every country, and keep pace with science, the labor of the world's population, properly directed, would be inadequate; yet much of this population is permitted to exist in as wild and dormant a state as the undeveloped resources are. There is no doubt but every man in a state of civilization feels it his duty to be actively engaged, independent of the mere supply of his own necessities, in converting the dormant resources of the world into a tangible and realizable form for the world's progress, and it is only such that can take a retrospect and make claim to a well-spent life. Now, if it is the rational desire and ambition of civilized man to bring the things of earth to this state of usefulness, how much more so is it his duty to bring persons bearing his own physical (and probably mental) image, purporting to have descended from the same common stock, who are by millions roaming on the earth's beautiful surface, as wild as the beasts of the forests, without any more moral culture or usefulness, ignorant of any proper appreciation of nature's gifts, and a terror to civilized man in attempting to introduce cultivation or improvement. All experience has proven, and all historical authority is corroborative, that the speediest and only method which has succeeded to any extent in bringing the heathen (proper) into a state of usefulness, is by placing them in contact with, and under the educated hand of civilization, until their wild nature and slothful habits shall be worn out, and a capacity for self government manifested, although it should require thousands of years to effect it.

This work of usefulness is to be commenced by the civilized countries permitting, by law, their own and the population of each other to obtain, by purchase or capture, of the world's heathen, as many as they can profitably employ, to be perpetual slaves, with proper enactments for their treatment. There is very little doubt but the first governmental opposition to this once noble and praiseworthy license for doing good to the heathen, originated in the short-sighted apprehension that there would not be room in the civilized portions of the world for the well-doing of their own surplus population; but let them fear not, science will develop employment as fast as population can grow in all time to come; and selfish considerations should not be tolerated with such an amount of good in prospect. The ostensible objections raised against slavery are its attendant cruelties and immoralities; but they are blessings when compared with such as are practiced in their native condition; some of which are the scarifying of infant's cheeks, that pain may result when they attempt to express their wants by crying, selling each other for a trifle in return, regardless of their future lot, torturing themselves and one another under the dominion of superstition, by burying alive, the funeral pile, Juggernaut's car, &c., but that which is the worst of all is cannibalism. Think of the number of fat babies and sprightly youths of their own people, besides the unfortunate strangers that are eaten; with these historical truths before us it would be blind prejudice to compare the horrors of heathendom with the necessary penalties of