constitutes a private or separate interest from which the opinion of the world may be shut out. Whatever affects the peace, affects mankind, and nothing settled by military force, if settled wrong, is settled at all. It will presently have to be reopened.

Nations Sit in Judgment.

Is Count von Hertling not aware that he is speaking in the court of mankind; that all the awakened nations of the world now sit in judgment on what every public man of whatever nation may say on the issues of a conflict which has spread to every region of the world? The Reichstag resolution of July themselves frankly accepted the decisions of that court. There shall be no annexations, no contributions, no punitive damages. Peoples are not to be handed about from one sovereignty to another by international conference or an understanding between rivals and antagonists. National aspirations must be respected, peoples may now be dominated and governed only by their own consent.

"Self-Determination."

"Self-determination" is not a mere phrase. It is an imperative principle of action which statesmen will henceforth ignore at their peril. We cannot have general peace for the asking, or by the mere arrangements of a peace conference. It cannot be pieced together out of individual understandings between powerful states. All the parties of this war must join in the settlement of every issue anywhere involved in it because what we are seeking is a peace that we can all unite to guarantee and maintain and every item of it must be submitted to the common judgment whether it be right and fair, an act of justice rather than a bargain between sovereigns.

U. S. Attitude.

The United States has no desire to interfere in European affairs or to act as arbiter in European territorial disputes. We would disdain to take advantage of any internal weakness or disorder to impose her own will upon another people. She is quite ready to be shown that the settlements she has suggested are not the best or the most enduring. They are only her own provisional sketch of principles, and of the way in which they should be applied. But she entered this war because she was made a partner, whether she would or not, in the sufferings and indignities inflicted by the military masters of Germany, against the peace and security of mankind; and the conditions of peace will touch her as nearly as they will touch any other nation to which is entrusted a leading part in the maintenance of civilization. She cannot see her way to peace until the causes of this war are removed, its renewal rendered as nearly as may be impossible.

Roots of War.

This war had its roots in the disregard of the rights of small nations and of nationalities which lacked the union and the force

to make good their claim to determine their own allegiance and their own forms of political life.

Covenants must now be entered into which will render such things impossible for the future; and those covenants must be backed by the united force of all the nations that love justice and are willing to maintain it at any cost.

If territorial settlement and the political relations of great populations which have not the organized power to resist are to be determined by the contracts of the powerful governments which consider themselves most directly affected, as Count von Hertling proposes, why may not economic questions also?

Rights of Peoples.

It has come about in the altered world in which we now find curselves, that justice and the rights of peoples affect the whole field of international dealing as much as access to raw materials and fair and equal conditions of trades. Count von Hertling wants the essential basis of commercial and industrial life to be safeguarded by common agreement and guarantee, but he cannot expect that to be conceded him, if the other matters to be determined by the articles of peace are not handled in the same way as items in the final accounting. He cannot ask the benefit of common agreement in the one field without according it in the other. I take it for granted that he sees that separate and selfish compacts with regard to trade and the essential materials of manufacture would afford no foundation for peace. Neither, he may rest assured, will separate selfish compacts with regard to provinces and peoples.

Czernin's Broader Vision.

Count Czernin seems to see the fundamental elements of peace with clear eyes, and does not seek to obscure them. He sees that an independent Poland, made up of all the indisputably Polish peoples who lie contiguous to one another, is a matter of European concern, and must of course be conceded; that Belgium must be evacuated and restored, no matter what sacrifices and concessions that may involve; and that national aspirations must be satisfied, even within his own empire, in the common interest of Europe and mankind. If he is silent about questions which touch the interest and purpose of his allies more nearly than they touch those of Austria only, it must, of course, be because he feels constrained, I suppose, to defer to Germany and Turkey in the circumstances. Seeing and conceding, as he does, the essential principles involved and the necessity of candidly applying them, he naturally feels that Austria can respond to the purpose of peace as expressed by the United States with less embarrassment than could Germany. He would probably have gone much farther had it not been for the embarrassments of Austria's alliances and of her dependency on Germany.

Four Peace Principles.

After all the test of whether it is possible for any government to go any further in the comparison of views is simple and obvious. The principles to be applied are these:

First-That each part of the final settlement must be based upon the essential justice of that particular cause and upon such adjustments as are most likely to bring a peace that will be per

manent.

Second-That peoples and provinces are not to be bartered about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were mere chattels and pawns in a game, even the great game, now forever discredited, of the balance of power; but that

Third-Every territorial settlement involved in this war must be made in the interest and for the benefit of the populations concerned, and not as a part of any mere adjustment or compromise of claims amongst rival states; and,

Fourth-That all well-defined national aspirations shall be accorded the utmost satisfaction that can be accorded them without introducing new or perpetuating old elements of discord and antagonism that would be likely in time to break the peace of Europe and consequently of the world.

Germany Only Holds Out.

A general peace erected on such foundations can be discussed. Until such a peace can be secured we have no choice but to go on. So far as we can judge, these principles that we regard as fundamental are already everywhere accepted as imperative, except among the spokesmen of the military and annexationist party in Germany. If they have anywhere else been rejected the objectors have not been sufficiently numerous or influential to make their voices audible. The tragical circumstance is that this one party in Germany is apparently willing and able to send millions of men to their death to prevent what all the world now sees to be just.

I would not be a true spokesman of the people of the United States if I did not say once more that we entered this war upon no small occasion and that we never can turn back from a course chosen upon principle. Our resources are in part mobilized now and we shall not pause until they are mobilized in their entirety. Our armies are rapidly going to the fighting front and will go more and more rapidly. Our whole strength will be put into this war of emancipation-emancipation from the threat and attempted mastery of selfish groups of autocratic rulers-whatever the difficulties and present partial delays. We are indomitable in our power of independent action and can in no circumstances consent to live in a world governed by intrigue and force. We believe that our own desire for a new international order under which reason and justice and the common interests of mankind shall prevail is the desire of enlightened men everywhere. Without that new order the world will be without peace and human life

will lack tolerable conditions of existence and development. Having set our hand to the task of achieving it, we shall not turn back.

Ideals of America.

I hope that it is not necessary for me to add that no word of what I have said is intended as a threat. That is not the temper of our people. I have spoken them only that the whole world may know the true spirit of America-that men everywhere may know that our passion for justice and for self-government is no mere passion of words, but a passion which, once set in action, must be satisfied. The power of the United States is a menace to no nation or people. It will never be used in aggression or for the aggrandizement of any selfish interest of our own. It springs out of freedom and is for the service of freedom.

NEW YORK, February 11.-The office here of the Committee on Public Information today prepared to give world-wide circulation to the text of President Wilson's address on international affairs before Congress. This will be done through the same agencies as were used in distributing the President's war aims address on January 8, and his address urging a declaration of war on Austria-Hungary on December 4.

CHAPTER XI.

Universal Suffrage, Universal Brotherhood.

Universal Brotherhood is incompatible with limited or class suffrage. It is congruous to universal suffrage. A body with any member disjointed cannot enjoy full health and happiness, nor efficiently perform duties and obligations incident to a useful life. Only when all members and organs of the body are attaining normal growth and development, each one functioning properly in its relation to all the other members and organs of the body in harmonious action, is efficient performance possible and enjoyment of life an actual reality.

So it is also with the body politic, which is now felt and admitted by prominent and thinking men.

President Wilson, equal to the occasion, has expressed himself in this respect, and has thrown his great influence for woman suffrage.

Uncle Sam Advocates Women Suffrage.

WASHINGTON, Oct. 25.-Speaking as a party leader and as an individual, President Wilson today urged the woman suffrage issue upon the voters of all states. He told a delegation of 100 members of the New York state woman suffrage party that he hoped their campaign would be successful and urged men of all parties in New York particularly to vote for suffrage.

The war, said the President, has quickened community expressions and made the present a good time for states to express their sentiments at the polls on the suffrage question. He said he would welcome these expressions especially at this time, since in the prosecution of war, social foundations must be sound. One basic principle contributing to this condition, he declared, is complete democracy for women.

The President praised the capacity, ability, resources and vision of New York women in conducting the suffrage campaign and asked the delegation to convey his message to the voters of New York state.

The women were received by the President in the east room of the White House.

The President, addressing the suffragists, said:

"It is with great pleasure that I receive you. I esteem it a privilege to do so. I know the difficulties which you have been working under in New York state, so clearly set forth by Mrs. Whitehouse, but in my judgment those difficulties cannot be used as an excuse by the leaders of any party or by the voters of any party for neglecting the questions which you are pressing upon them. Because, after all, the whole world now is witnessing a struggle which goes deeper and touches more of the foundations of the organized life of men than any struggle that has ever taken place and no settlement of questions that lie on the surface. can satisfy a situation which requires that the questions which