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have lessened the circulating medium to the amount of up- a noble discovery of modern times. The contrary prinwards of £500,000,000. The effect of this single cause ciple naturally led to commercial rivalries, wars, and has been, within the last ten years, the reduction of prices abuses, of all sorts. The benefits of commerce being

in that country to the amount of thirty-five per cent., regarded as a stake to be won, or an advantage to be to which fifteen per cent. may be added for the other wrested from others by fraud or by force, Governments causes above mentioned-making in the whole a reduction naturally strove to secure them to their own subjects; and of almost fifty per cent. in the money price of all articles. when they once set out in this wrong direction, it was The same thing has taken place in this country; and, quite natural that they should not stop short till they ended therefore, when gentlemen allege that the price of manu- in binding, in the bonds of restriction, not only the whole factures has fallen, the naked fact proves nothing, unless country, but all of its parts. Thus we are told that Engthey can show that they have fallen in a greater degree land first protected by her restrictive policy her whole than other articles in this country, and similar articles empire against all the world, then Great Britain against the abroad. But this is so far from being the fact, that the colonies, then the British isles against each other, and truth is, that the protected articles have fallen less in pro- ended by vainly attempting to protect all the great inteportion than those which receive no protection. is a striking example, which has, in a few years, fallen to against each other. Sir, such a system, carried fully out, Cotton rests and employments of the State by balancing them one-third of its value, while no protected article has, in is not confined to rival nations, but protects one town the same period, fallen one-half. I trust, sir, that we have now made out our case; that rivals, and cannot stop short of "Robinson Crusoe in his against another, considers villages and even families as we have shown the unjust and unequal operation, in every goat skins." point of view, of this system, and that, as far as the South man his own lawyer, doctor, farmer, and shoemakeris concerned, and the West also, though not in the same and, if I may be allowed an Irishism, his own seamstress It takes but one step further to make every degree, it is an unmitigated system of burdens. And, and washerwoman. The doctrine of free trade, on the

even with regard to the favored section, I would submit, contrary, is founded on the true social system. It looks how far it is wise to insist upon a system which can only on all mankind as children of a common parent-and the be maintained at the expense of other sections. Sir, I feel great family of nations as linked together by mutual intoo much confidence in the justice and magnanimity of terests. our Northern brethren, to suffer myself to doubt their wil-politics of nature. lingness to abandon this system if they could see it in the Sir, as there is a religion, so I believe there is a light that we do. Cast your eyes over this various earth It may enrich them for the moment, and fertile fields. Notice its different productions-its -see its surface diversified with hills and valleys, rocks, but the prosperity it creates is artificial, and will assuredly infinite varieties of soil and climate. be unsubstantial. No country can be permanently bene- rivers winding their way to the very mountain's base, and fited by a system of bounties. This system may destroy thence guiding man to the vast ocean, dividing, yet conSee the mighty the South, but it will not permanently advance the pros- necting, nations. Can any man who considers these things perity of the North. vate them. Besides, sir, if persevered in, it must annihi- great Creator (written legibly in his works) that his children It may depress us, but cannot ele- with the eye of a philosopher, not read the design of the late that portion of the country from which the resources should be drawn together in a free commercial intercourse, are to be drawn, that are to enrich the Northern manu- and mutual exchanges of the various gifts with which a facturers. And it may be well for gentlemen to reflect, bountiful Providence has blessed them? Commerce, sir, whether adhering to this policy would not be acting like restricted even as she has been, has been the great source the man who "killed the goose which laid the golden of civilization and refinement all over the world. Next to eggs." Let gentlemen be assured that this is a system the christian religion, I consider free trade in its largest which cannot possibly last. utterly overthrown. It will, sooner or later, be sense as the greatest blessing that can be conferred upon them to seize this favorable occasion to make some sacri- tor of Virginia, whose soul was the very temple of freeWould it not be well, therefore, for any people. Hear, sir, what Patrick Henry, the great orafice of their peculiar interests to the general welfare? In concluding, Mr. President, what I have to say on this dom, says on this subjectbranch of the subject, I must take the liberty of present-chains, he droops and bows to the earth, because his spi"Why should we fetter commerce? If a man is in ing a few general considerations. In a broad view of the rits are broken; but let him twist the fetters from his legs, question, it never can be expedient to introduce into a and he will stand erect. country the manufacture of any article that cannot be be as free as the air. produced as cheaply at home as it can be obtained from and return on the four winds of heaven, to bless the land Fetter not commerce! Let her abroad. There are some such now made in this country, with plenty." She will range the whole creation, and their ability to sustain themselves, without protection, is unquestionable. The only exception I would admit to if all nations would adopt it; but as it is, every nation must But it has been said that free trade would do very well, the rule I have laid down, relates to articles strictly neces- protect itself from the effect of restrictions by countersary to national defence. I do not allude to the habili- vailing measures. I am persuaded, sir, that it is a great, a ments of a soldier, or to articles necessary to his consump-most fatal error. tion, but to arms and munitions of war. If retaliation is resorted to for the hopolicy of all nations to "buy where they can buy cheap- while adhered to no longer than there is a hope of sucIt is the true nest purpose of producing a redress of the grievance, and This is the very instinct of our nature; and when cess, it may, like war itself, be sometimes just and neceswe depart from it in national concerns, we violate the sary. soundest principles of political economy, a science which fitable combat of seeing which can do the other the But if it have no such object, "it is the unprois in fact but the lessons of wisdom and an enlightened ex-most harm." perience applied to the affairs of nations. Sir, the re-permanent restrictions, as a measure of retaliation, could strictive policy is founded on the triumph of the selfish be profitable. In every possible situation, a trade, wheThe case can hardly be conceived in which principle. It assumes that the natural position of nations ther more or less restricted, is profitable, or it is not. towards each other is one of enmity and rivalship, founded This can only be decided by experience; and if the trade on a supposed opposition of interests. the old school was, that what was gained by one nation seek its level, than the intercourse adjust itself to the true The doctrine of be left to regulate itself, water would not more naturally was necessarily lost by another. tion by Government of the pursuits of men, I consider it interests of the parties. Sir, as to this idea of the regula as a remnant of barbarism disgraceful to an enlightened age,

est.

The plain and seemingly obvious truth, that, in a fair and equal exchange of commodities, all parties gained, is

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and inconsistent with the first principles of rational liberty. tleman is mistaken in supposing that this objection to the I hold Government to be utterly incapable, from its posi- protecting system is of recent origin. Up to 1824, the tion, of exercising such a power wisely, prudently, or question had not been much considered, simply because justly. Are the rulers of the world the depositaries of its the protection which manufactures had derived was merecollected wisdom? Sir, can we forget the advice of a ly incidental to duties imposed for revenue. The act of great statesman to his son--"Go, see the world, my son, 1790 was surely of that character; and even the act of that you may learn with how little wisdom mankind is go- 1816 provided for a diminution, and not an increase, of verned." And is our own Government an exception to duties. But when, in 1824, the true character of this this rule? or do we not find here, as every where else, system was developed, the constitutional objection was that plainly and strongly insisted upon. Here is the language, sir, that I myself held on that occasion, on this floor:

"Man, proud man,

Robed in a little brief authority,

Plays such fantastic tricks before high Heav'n
As makes the angels weep."

"Will gentlemen point out to me, if they can, the power which this Government possesses to adopt a system for the avowed purpose of encouraging particular branches The gentleman has appealed to the example of other of industry? It is my sober and deliberate opinion that nations. Sir, they are all against him. They have had the Congress of the United States have no more power to restrictions enough, to be sure; but they are getting hear-pass laws for the purpose of directly or indirectly inducing tily sick of them, and in England, particularly, would any portion of the people to engage in manufactures, than willingly get rid of them if they could. We have been they have to abolish trial by jury, or establish the inquiassured, by the declaration of a minister of the Crown, sition." from his place in Parliament, "that there is a growing con- Since that period, the Legislatures of every Southern viction among all men of sense and reflection in that State have denounced this system as a violation of their country, that the true policy of all nations is to be found constitutional rights. It was but the last year that South in unrestricted industry.' Sir, in England they are now Carolina recorded on the journals of the Senate her soretracing their steps, and endeavoring to relieve them- lemn protest against it, "as utterly unconstitutional, selves of the system as fast as they can. Within a few grossly unequal, and oppressive, and such an abuse of years past, upwards of three hundred statutes, imposing power as is incompatible with the principles of a free Gorestrictions in that country, have been repealed; and a vernment and the great ends of civil society." I do not case has recently occurred there, which seems to leave no know, sir, where the constitutional objections to this sysdoubt that, if Great Britain has grown great, it is, as Mr. tem are better summed up, than in the very address of Huskisson has declared, "not in consequence of, but in the Free Trade Convention of Philadelphia, to which the spite of, her restrictions." The silk manufacture, pro- gentleman has referred for another purpose. The gentected by enormous bounties, was found to be in such a tleman is certainly mistaken, when he relies on that expodeclining condition, that the Government was obliged to sition as an authority in his favor. Sir, as I understand do something to save it from total ruin. And what did the argument, it is only admitted incidental protection they do? They considerably reduced the duty on foreign may be afforded by duties imposed only for revenue, but silks; both on the raw material and the manufactured ar- that the right is expressly denied of "imposing any adticle. The consequence was, the immediate revival of ditional duty for the purpose of affording that protection." the silk manufacture, which has since been nearly doubled. I dismiss this branch of the subject, with the remark that, Sir, the experience of France is equally decisive. Bo-whether we be right or wrong in our views on this quesnaparte's effort to introduce cotton and sugar has cost tion, the opinion is conscientiously and almost universally that country millions; and, but the other day, a foolish entertained throughout the whole South, that the proattempt to protect the iron mines spread devastation tecting system involves a gross violation of the solemn through half of France, and nearly ruined the wine trade, compact which is the bond of our Union. on which one-fifth of her citizens depend for subsistence. I come now, sir, to the question of the policy which As to Spain, unhappy Spain, "fenced round with restric- ought to be adopted at this important era in the history of tions," her experience, one would suppose, would con- our Government. We have arrived at a most interesting vince us, if any thing could, that the protecting system crisis in our national affairs-one to which the people in politics, like bigotry in religion, was utterly at war with have been looking up, with intense anxiety, for several sound principles and a liberal and enlightened policy. years past. They have contemplated the extinction of Sir, I say, in the words of the philosophical statesman of the public debt as the great day of jubilee, when they England, "leave a generous nation free to seek their were to be relieved from the oppressions which they have own road to perfection." Thank God, the night is pass- so long patiently endured. The people of the South, sir, ing away, and we have lived to see the dawn of a glorious like the children of Israel of old, have passed through the day. The cause of free trade must and will prosper, and wilderness, and are now in sight of the promised land. finally triumph. The political economist is abroad; light They stand on the top of Mount Pisgah, and look, with has come into the world; and, in this instance, at least, delight, at the goodly prospect before them-and it is for men will not "prefer darkness rather than light." Sir, let you this day to determine whether they shall perish in it not be said, in aftertimes, that the statesmen of Ameri- the wilderness, or be permitted to possess and enjoy their ca were behind the age in which they lived-that they rich inheritance. Sir, I have shown that the whole sys initiated this young and vigorous country into the ener-tem of duties is oppressive and unequal--that the very vating and corrupting practices of European nations-action of the Government is so; yet I do not wish gentleand that, at the moment when the whole world were look- men to suppose that we are disposed to push our claims ing to us for an example, we arrayed ourselves in the to an immeasurable extent. No, we will not ask that cast-off follies and exploded errors of the old world, and, Northern manufactures shall be taxed; because duties, to by the introduction of a vile system of artificial stimulants whatever extent imposed, operate as a tax upon our inand political gambling, impaired the healthful vigor of the body politic, and brought on a decrepitude and premature dissolution?

dustry. We are willing to agree that the revenue ne cessary for the ordinary purposes of the Government shall be levied by duties upon imports. The facility with which I had intended, Mr. President, to have said something indirect taxes may be collected, affords an argument in of the constitutional question, but have already taken up their favor to which we are willing to yield, though we so much of your time, that I shall not now enter into it. well know that they must operate most injuriously on our I must be permitted, however, to remark, that the gen-interests. But, in yielding this much, we have surely a

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right to expect that no more money shall be levied in this certain effect of changing the character of your Governway than shall be absolutely necessary. have a right to insist that, on the extinction of the public be created? Has the gentleman given a single reason in We think we ment, and corrupting the people. Why is this surplus to debt, the twelve millions of dollars heretofore annually its favor; or has he not himself sealed the condemnation appropriated to that object should no longer be levied; of his own proposition, when he admitted that no surplus and, further, that no more money shall be raised than ought to be created for distribution? For, if it is not to may be necessary to meet the ordinary expenditures of be in some shape distributed, for what purposes is it to be the Government. Any other basis of reduction than this raised? The next objection to this scheme is, that it promust be founded on the idea of a contemplated increase poses to relieve luxuries from all taxation, while the taxes of the public expenditures. And why should they be in- on the necessaries of life are to remain just as they are, creased? We have rather a right to expect that they subject to duties of from fifty to one hundred per cent. should be diminished. The principal objects of expen- It is true that the gentleman, seeing, I presume, the enorditure, for many years past, have been connected with mity of the proposition in its original form, now consents preparations for war; but, with the progress of our works that some very moderate duty may be levied on wines and of defence, and the increase of our population, the neces-silks. sity for this expenditure will, in a great measure, cease. and silks differ from the numerous other articles which, Indeed, it does appear to me that it will be hardly necessa- by the gentleman's scheme, are to come in duty free. But, sir, I should be glad to know in what wines ry, hereafter, to seek other security against invasion, than Here is a list of some of them, and it will be for the Sewill be found in the strong arms and stout hearts of our nate and the country to say how far it is reasonable or fellow-citizens. But the gentleman insists that our reve- just that the consumers of these articles shall contribute nue shall not be reduced below eighteen millions of dol- nothing to the public revenue, while the honest laboring lars, while we all know that twelve millions have, hereto- man is to be taxed from thirty to one hundred dollars on fore, furnished an abundant supply for every purpose, every hundred dollars which he expends on the woollens including a million a year for internal improvements. The and the flannels, the iron and the sugar, which are indisgentleman admits that we ought not to provide for a sur-pensable to the health and comfort of himself and family. plus, and says, with great force and truth, that a division "It is one of the grandest farces ever attempted to be

ture.

of it among the States would be a departure from all sound played off upon a free people, to see an attempt made to principles of Government. For, said the gentleman, "to reduce the taxes on olives and capers, anchovies and give it back to the States, or the individuals from whom brandy fruits, mace, cloves, nutmegs, precious stones, it was drawn, in the same proportion, would be a palpa- alabaster ornaments, cordials, perfumery, artificial flowers, ble absurdity; while, to distribute it in different propor- billiard balls, battledores and shuttlecocks, coral beads tions, would be an act of gross injustice." I submit and gold snuffboxes, silver spectacles and ivory-headed whether this argument is not equally applicable to inter- canes, velvets and lace, mull muslins and gros de Naples, nal improvement. But, waiving this point, I would ask, camel's hair shawls, morocco and prunella shoes, fine camif we are to have no surplus, why raise eighteen millions brics, plated chafing dishes, porcelain, and china dinner of dollars--six millions more than the ordinary expendi- and tea sets, gold watches, Cologne water, Champagne tures of the Government? To provide, says the gentle- and Burgundy wines, oranges and pineapples, embroidman, for contingencies. But, sir, is it not morally certain ery, ivory fans, fine Irish linens, parasols, centre tables, that your receipts must exceed your estimates? The gilt books, pier looking-glasses, vermicelli and macaroni, reduction of duties will increase importations--and, fix Italian marble, mantel ornaments, rouge, essences and what standard you will, my life upon it, we shall have a court plaster, chessmen, sweet scented soap, silk stocksurplus, and not a deficit, unless gentlemen mean to pro-ings, gold and silver thimbles, mantel time-pieces, tooth vide for some new and grand scheme of national expendi- powder, wax dolls, and a hundred other things used by Besides, against accidental deficiencies, a sufficient the rich. provision will be found in the uncalled-for appropriations, played off upon a free people, that such articles as those We say, it is one of the grandest farces ever always to be found in the treasury. Having shown the we have enumerated should be exempted." extent to which the revenue ought to be reduced, I proceed to consider the mode in which that reduction ought to be luxuries from taxation, and throws them upon the necesI ask for the reason for this distinction which relieves effected. The first scheme suggested by the gentleman saries of life; which burdens the poor, and exempts the is a continuance of existing duties on the unprotected ar- rich; and I am told it is necessary to protection. Whose ticles, and carrying up the duties on protected articles to protection? Why, the wealthy proprietors of manufacprohibition. The gentleman says, however, that he is not turing stock; men who are realizing enormous dividends, in favor of this scheme, because he would put the manu-drawn from the pockets of the people. facturers on their good behavior, by exposing them to reason for this distinction has been, or can be, given; for foreign competition. But what sort of competition is that it is acknowledged by all the world, that luxuries are the Sir, no other to which they are exposed, when entrenched behind a proper subjects for taxation, and ought rightfully to be protecting tariff, ranging from fifty to two hundred per taxed higher than the necessaries of life. But here the cent. I have shown that the existing duties are, to a manufacturers interpose their claims, and the claims of certain extent, prohibitory; and, when the gentleman de-justice are disregarded. Again, sir, these are articles of clares himself against prohibition, he seals the condemna- general consumption, at least among the wealthy, and tion of his own resolution, which proposes to retain the consumed equally, too, all over the country; and yet they existing system untouched, prohibitions and all. must come in duty free, and the whole revenue of the

I come now to the schemes advocated by the gentle-country be levied on articles, in relation to which the man himself to take off the duties entirely from all the duties operate most unjustly and unequally; being in truth unprotected articles, except wines and silks, and leave a bounty to certain portions of the people, and a burden them as they are upon the protected articles. The first objection to this scheme is, that it is proposed that such a proposition as this would not only have met upon others; and yet the Senator tells us he had hoped by it to take off only six millions of dollars of taxes, even the approbation of all parties, but would have been reafter the treasury is to be relieved from a charge of twelve ceived as a concession to the complaints of the South. millions of dollars by the extinction of the public debt. How it was possible for the gentleman to have indulged That it proposes, therefore, to create an annual surplus of such an expectation, I am utterly unable to comprehend. six millions of dollars beyond the wants of the Govern- Sir, what single concession, or the slightest approach toment, not only without the smallest necessity, but with the wards it, is made by such a proposition? Does it consist VOL. VIII.-7

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in agreeing to take off six millions of taxes, when the de- and charges on the foreign manufacture will not fall much mands on the treasury are to be reduced to double that short of thirty-three and a third per cent.; and surely, sir, amount? Has the South ever uttered one word of com- if, with a protection equal to one-third of the cost of the plaint against the duties which it is proposed to reduce? article, our manufactures cannot be maintained, they ought No. These were imposed for revenue; and against duties to be abandoned at once, since nothing can be clearer fairly levied for that purpose, they have never complained. than that they would then be sustained at a certain loss to It is against duties, imposed not for revenue, but protec- the country. We do not insist on an immediate reduction, that they have been so long and so earnestly remon- ton to the lowest revenue standard. As the public debt strating; and, to quiet their discontents, the proposition is not yet paid, we are willing that the reduction on the is gravely submitted, to take off all the revenue duties, protected articles should be gradual, and spread, if gentleand to leave the protecting duties untouched. Sir, it is men please, over two or three years; and, if they desire not so much the amount of this tax, as its inequality and it, we will not object to making an immediate reduction injustice which has roused the whole South to determined on the unprotected articles, of ten or fifteen per cent. opposition. And how is it proposed to relieve our com- The immediate effect of this plan, so far from being inplaints? By aggravating that inequality, and extending jurious to the manufacturers, will, I am persuaded, serve and perpetuating that injustice. We tell you that the rather to strengthen them; and even, in its ultimate results, protecting duties operate as a tax upon us, and a bounty no manufacture will be injured that does not depend on upon the tariff States. We insist that it is a violation of the protection for its existence, and is not sustained at the principles on which our Government is founded, and re-public expense. Suppose the duties on the protected duces us to a state of colonial vassalage; and this it sub-articles were now reduced ten per cent. below their prestantially does, if we are not mistaken in its operation, sent rates, and by subsequent steps carried down gradually and Mr. Grattan's definition of a colony is the true one--to the true revenue standard, what would be the effect of "a country governed in reference to the interests of an- this first reduction of ten per cent. If a yard of Engother." lish cloth cost a dollar, paid a duty of fifty per cent., and, Sir, if we are right, this scheme amounts to neither more with the addition of charges, could be retailed at two dolnor less than a proposition to relieve the tariff States from lars, the effect of this reduction would only be to reduce all taxation, and to throw the whole burden of the Go- the price to one dollar and ninety cents. So that the provernment upon the other States. It is admitted that the tection to the American manufacturer would be lessened protection enjoyed by the former even now exceeds the only five per cent. Now if this provision were accomamount of the taxes which they pay, but still they do pay panied by an immediate reduction of the duties on the untheir equal portion of duties on the unprotected articles. protected articles from fifty per cent. to fifteen, would But when these are taken off, they will be relieved from not the manufacturers derive some compensation in the taxes altogether. Gentlemen who now hear me, well re- diminished cost of every article which enters into their member, that when the tariff of 1828 was under discus-consumption? And if, in addition to this, there should be sion here, a Senator from a tariff State rose in his place, a considerable reduction of duties on the raw material, I and supported the bill on the single ground that it operated would submit to their serious consideration whether their as a bounty of a million of dollars per annum to the State condition then would be worse than it is now. The true he represented. Let us assume that calculation to have policy of the manufacturers, it appears to me, consists in been correct, and that the State in question now pays half obtaining their raw materials cheap, and having their exa million in taxes on the unprotected articles. When you penses diminished by taking off unnecessary taxes on their take off the tax and leave the bounty, the bounty will consumption. Sir, if this is to become a manufacturing counobviously be increased by just half a million, and the State try, we must look to the markets of the world. A feeble in question will be relieved entirely from taxation. Such and sickly existence may be preserved at home by a sysis the compromise proposed to 'the South. The evils of tem of protection and of bounties: but to be put on a sure which we complain are to be increased-the protecting foundation, and to acquire that vigor, strength, and energy, system is to be riveted upon the country beyond all hope which will enable them to enter into successful competi of relief; and we are told we ought to receive all this tion abroad with the manufactures of other countries, it as a concession. Sir, we say to you, we are willing to is necessary they should be prepared for the contest, by submit to have the foreign manufactures for which we ex-being left, in a great measure, to their own unaided efchange our productions taxed for revenue, though we forts. In one respect, the United States possesses an adknow that such tax must operate as a bounty to the do. vantage over all the world, of which it seems to me it mestic manufacture, and so far diminish the value of our would be madness not to avail ourselves. We can reduce productions; but we invoke you not to aggravate the in- the cost of production in every department of industry, justice and inequality of this system, by extending the tax to the very lowest rates. Our people are not necessarily beyond the just revenue standard, and by so arranging borne down by an almost insupportable weight of taxation. the duties as to throw the burden entirely upon the pro- We have no debt which can never be paid--no burdentected articles to relieve the tariff States from all taxation, some establishments--no kings, lords, and commons, to and to throw the burden entirely on us. Above all, we eat out the substance of the people. In this consists our call upon you to remember that the British manufactures, great advantage, and it will be our own fault if we do not on which you propose to throw almost the whole burden avail ourselves of it to the fullest extent. This, sir, is not of the Government, are those which we receive in ex-only the favorable moment for adjusting this great ques change for our productions; that to burden them is to tion, but, if it be suffered to pass away, it can never be burden us; and that the end of all this may, and probably re-called. The manufactures now can be let down withwill be, that we shall be deprived of our best customers, out a shock, from the position to which they have been and be cut off from the only sure market for our cotton, so unjustly elevated. They will now be remunerated rice, and tobacco. for any diminution of their protection; but if the plan pro

The policy proposed in the amendment which I have posed in the gentleman's resolution should prevail, the submitted, is founded on the just principles I have advo-immediate effect will be an increase of their protection, cated. The arrangement of the details we are willing to an enlargement of their bounty, and, of course, if these leave to the committee. We do not propose to destroy, are to be reduced hereafter, the shock will be much greater or even to injure, the manufacturers. We are willing they than that to which they would now be subjected. Sir, I do should have the incidental protection afforded by a fair consider that, in making my proposition, I am proving myrevenue system; and, on any plan of reduction, the duties self a true friend to the manufacturers--and that they are

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their worst enemies (whatever they may themselves be- gling is there a profitable trade, and that the revenue lieve) who would adopt the policy embraced in the gentle- laws of England are constantly violated with impunity? man's resolution. In this opinion, sir, I find I am not And how is it in Spain? A modern traveller asserts that singular. The manufacturers themselves, and some of there are a hundred thousand persons in that unhappy their ablest and most zealous advocates, have avowed the country who live by smuggling, and that there are thirty same sentiments. In a work just put into my hands, con- thousand others paid by the Government to detect their taining an exposition of evidence, about to be submitted practice, but who are in league with the offenders; and to Congress, in support of the memorial of the Free Trade as to the condition of things in our own country, the gentleConvention, lately convened at Philadelphia, (a work to man has told us a tale this day, which, if he be not himself which I earnestly invite the attention of every member of deceived, shows what fearful progress these practices have this body,) I find some extracts from the Register of already made. The time was when smuggling was absoHezekiah Niles-certainly one of the most uncompromis-lutely unknown any where in this country, as it still is in ing champions of the protecting system-which furnish the Southern States. It is your protecting system which decisive authority in favor of my opinion. I there find a has introduced it. It is the natural consequence of high letter from a person who is represented to be an exten- duties; the evil was foretold, and, as we predicted, it has sive manufacturer, in which he says: come upon us. The protecting system has already, in "The only true friends of the manufacturers are those the minds of many, removed the odium which formerly who now seek to repeal the ridiculous tariff of 1828. Put rested on this practice. It was but the last year that a a duty of revenue alone on cloths, and remove the duty distinguished Senator rose up in his place here, and held on wool. It would be much better for us if we were this language: "Your tariff policy compels respectable placed in England; for we could there, with our present men to violate your law; you force them to disregard its hands and advantages, make cloth, send it to New York, injunctions, in order to elude its oppression. It was his pay the duties, and take more money than we now do. perfect conviction that there was not a virtuous man The difference is in the stock; and this difference is attri- throughout the Union who would now think it criminal to butable to the absurdities of the American system, as it smuggle into the country every article consumed in it-stands. The duties on dyestuffs, oil, soap, and wool, and why? Because you force them to it in self-defence." taken in connexion with the derangement of trade, by Sir, when these sentiments shall become prevalent, what making the manufacturer an exporter, amount to a much think you will become of that system? How long will it higher protection to the foreigner than all the tariff affords last after the payment of duties shall come to be considerSuch are the facts, and such the fruits, of the ed as a badge of servitude? 'system' which the American manufacturer has toiled to support."

to us.

Some

Mr. President, the proposition of the Senator from Kentucky is, that the protecting system, as it now stands upon Thus, sir, it will be seen that we who propose to re- your statute book, shall remain untouched; that all its peal the tariff of 1828, "are the only true friends of the contradictory provisions, its absurdities, injustice, and inemanufacturers," and that they are the worst enemies who quality, shall be maintained inviolate. Let us look, then, are striving to perpetuate the "absurdities of the Ameri- at some of the existing provisions of this system. can system." Next we have the opinions of Mr. Niles of them, in the exposition to which I have before re himself, "that the act of 1828 was the result of a political ferred, are detailed with a clearness to which nothing can bargain, and passed on principles disreputable to a Con- be added by me. Here are tables of the duties on woolgress of the United States," to which the enlightened lens, flannels, baizes, and carpeting, ranging from fortyauthor of the exposition very justly adds, "that nothing five to upwards of two hundred per cent. I will read a can be more obvious than the folly of pretending to en- few extracts in illustration of the effect of these duties. courage manufacturing industry, and at the same time to tax the raw materials, iron, hemp, flax, wool, lead, indigo, and other component parts of manufactures, and constituting the principal value of them, from fifty to two hundred per cent." And here I am willing to rest my case. The act of 1828, Mr. Niles affirms, was the result of a political bargain, and passed on principles disreputable to a Congress of the United States."

[Here Mr. H. read several extracts from the work in question, showing that the duties on coarse woollens, such as are used by stage drivers, watermen, and other laborers, for great coats, pea jackets, &c. are so exorbitantly taxed, as to raise the cost of the articles to about "three times the price which the English laborer has to pay for the same kind of clothing;" that the Western farmer, in consequence of the high duty, is compelled to pay four The gentleman complains of frauds upon the revenue, dollars a yard for cloth which costs the English farmer but and fraudulent invoices, and smuggling; but it is his sys- one dollar seventy-five cents; that flannels, so indispensatem which has produced these evils. Smuggling, from ble to all the women and children in the country, are subthe very nature of things, must exist, when the duties ex-jected to a duty of from ninety to a hundred and fifty per ceed the risk and expense of the illicit intercourse. For cent., whereby an article which cost in England from eight a season, sir, the high moral sense of a young and uncor- to nine cents, is sold here for twenty cents; and that which rupted people may oppose some obstacle to these prac- cost in England twenty-nine cents, our manufacturer can tices. No Government on earth can prevent them. obtain fifty cents for; that cottons are charged with a duty Napoleon, in the plenitude of his power, was unable to of from twenty-five to two hundred per cent., whereby maintain his continental system. His prohibitions and the cost to the American consumer is, in many instances, restrictions were constantly violated with impunity. Yes, increased one-half; and that the duty upon iron is from a sir, he who sported with kingdoms, who constructed hundred and fifty to two hundred and eighty per cent. thrones on the ruins of empires, and appointed the offi- On this point, Mr. H. read from the report on the blackcers of his household to fill them; whose armies were his smiths' petition, made to the Senate during their last sescustom-house officers who drew his cordons around the sion, and quoted the testimony of John Sarchet, a witness nations which he conquered, was utterly unable to put examined on oath before the committee, from which it down the great principles of free trade. It has been well appeared that, under the existing rate of duties, a ton said, sir, that when all Europe was obedient to his nod, of hammers and sledges can be imported, for the use of the smuggler disputed his commands, set at naught his the American manufacturer of those very articles, at a edicts, laughed to scorn his power, and overthrew his less cost than the bar iron from which they are made; policy." How is it with England, that sea-girt isle, sur- that wheel tire has actually been imported, in a finished rounded with a thousand ships, and thirty thousand guar-state, for about forty-seven dollars a ton, while bar iron, dians of her revenue? Sir, do we not all know that smug- suitable for the purpose, is selling for about ninety dollars