SENATE.] The Tariff. [FEB. 1, 1832. cle in such quantities as has caused a reduction of the to take from the former (the wool grower) their share prices of American wool twenty-five per cent. in the hands of its expected profits. By means of combined efforts, of the purchasers and owners. or of individual exertions, immense amounts of foreign "Nothing (says the author just quoted) is more perni- wool have been brought into the United States withcious to manufactures than high duties upon the raw ma- in the last two years; and the manufacturers, not conterials they consume; and American manufactures have tent even with this palpable violation of the spirit of suffered deeply from this cause almost ever since the com- the American system, have had recourse to other mea mencement of the restrictive system." sures still more prejudicial to the rights and interests of "As an evidence of the preceding positions, we need the wool grower. They discovered that by importing only advert to the well known fact, that such of our manu-woollen yarn, which is admitted into this country at a factures as have been the least encouraged by duties, and duty of thirty-three per cent., whilst the duty upon raw have also enjoyed to a great extent the privileges of un-wool is four cents per pound, and fifty per cent. upon taxed raw materials, have uniformly been most prosperous the valuation, they could not only procure foreign wool, and least affected by change, while those which have been in this shape, upon lower terms than they could obtain forced into existence by high duties, and have been obliged to use raw materials rendered dear by taxation, have always been subject to the greatest losses and fluctuations. "The numerious manufactures which existed in great abundance in and about the city of Philadelphia, long before the rise of the American system, may be cited as examples of natural manufactures." I might add the extensive manufacture of shoes at Lynn, Massachusetts, which has flourished for nearly half a cen tury, and which never knocked at the doors of Congress for "more protection." either the American or the foreign wool in its raw state, but, by thus importing it, they would thereby avail themselves of the cheapness of English spinning, and the superior cheapness and excellency of the English dyes, whilst, under the provisions of our ill arranged tariff, they would be permitted to exact as high a price from the consumer for this semi-foreign fabric, as though it were really a commodity of American origin." "The fall in the price of wool, which has taken place within six months past, amounts to about twenty-five per cent., and the article is dull at the present nominal prices, the market being glutted, and few sales taking place." Millions of wool have been imported; and the speculators in wool have been bitten enough to equal all their gains of the previous year. "We may enumerate the various manufactures of iron, tin, copper, brass, and pewter; those of wood, such as coaches, carts, [chaises, dearborn wagons,] wheelbarrows, cabinet ware, chairs, [pails, and other wooden vessels;] leather and its manufactures; umbrellas, [paper, books, print- In reference to this importation of foreign yarns, I am ing types, stereotype plates,] &c., the duty on none of which myself a witness. Visiting, about a year ago, an extensive has ever been higher then thirty per cent. Most of these carpet factory, I was astonished, on inquiry, to find that grew into existence as investments of capital naturally pro- the material used was spun, colored, and prepared in, and fitable, without the aid of bounties or protection. On imported from, England, and that the workmen employed the other hand, those manufactures which have been pre-in weaving were all foreigners, a stout, able-bodied man maturely forced upon the country by continued and in-being able to earn in the severe labor of weaving Brussels creasing tariffs, have been subjected to the most distressing carpeting, which requires a skill and care uncommon to uncertainties and fluctuations." most manufactures, seventy-five cents to a dollar a day. "It must be borne in mind, however, that the manu- So much, Mr. President, for the tariff protection of facture of cotton commenced in this country under a five woollens and wool. I might go on, and show the deleper cent. duty-that it steadily progressed, and yielded terious effect on domestic industry of the high duties on sufficient profits to the manufacturers, to enable them to hemp and cordage. The duty and charges on a ton of amass large fortunes under a rate of duty never exceeding Russian hemp amount to one hundred and twenty-eight fifteen per cent., and it would unquestionably have con- dollars--a sum greater than the first cost of purchase in tinued to progress in such fabrics as were the best adapted Russia. This duty has been raised since 1789, from twelve to our powers of production, if the duty had never ex-dollars a ton to sixty dollars a ton. But Russian cordceeded that amount. age, (a manufactured article,) subject to the present duty "It is a common artifice of the advocates of high duties, of four cents for tarred, and five cents for untarred, can to sum up the entire amount of the domestic manufactures be imported and sold, without loss, at ten cents per lb.of the United States, asserting that the whole of them owe being near one cent per pound less than the raw material their existence and continued support to the restrictive costs the manufacturer, under the present duty of sixty system, and by this means to endeavor to alarm the peo-dollars per ton." دو ple by the idea that the whole of the manufacturing in- What must be the consequence of this enormous tax dustry of the country is dependent upon the high duties on the raw material? Will it not be the destruction of for support, and would cease with their repeal: whereas the home market for the growers of hemp? "Russian the truth is, according to what we have already shown, cordage has, already, to a considerable extent, supplied that most of them had a vigorous existence before the the place of the manufactured article; and our ships enenactment of the protective tariffs, and are now injured gaged in foreign trade to all parts of the world, can and and stinted in their real growth and prosperity by the do procure supplies abroad, at cheaper rates than in the high duties on raw materials, and the increased expense of United States." living, to which all artisans engaged in manufactures are The effect of the high duty on raw hemp has been the subject, in consequence of the foreign articles they con- prostration of those numerous cordage and rope manusume being so enormously taxed.' factories which plied so busily and so profitably twenty-five and thirty years since, in the vicinity of all our commer cial towns. The farmers, who grow wool, will be astonished that the manufacturers now complain they are deprived of a part of the protection they are supposed to enjoy under the present high tariff, by the high duty levied on the raw material, which composes the fabrics they manufac"It must be remembered that the duty upon wool forms no less a part of the great American system,' than the duty upon cloth." ture. A wealthy gentleman of the State in which I reside, now an "American system," advocate, because he owns some fifty to seventy-five thousand dollars in a woollen factory, and one of the meeting of some forty or fifty persons which elected delegates to represent the whole State at the Tariff Convention of New York, is also engaged exten"But no sooner had the law taken effect, than the lat-sively in commerce, and is the owner of ships. His zeal ter (the manufacturer) immediately devised measures for American manufactures, which is new-born, and looks FEB. 1, 1832.] The Tariff. [SENATE. back only to the time when he subscribed for his manufac- the embargo, and liberating our seamen, and giving, turing stock; his desire to protect American industry, may through the American consul general, assurances to our be estimated from the fact, that he has, during the last Government that they desired to renew their former year, imported from the north of Europe the manufactur- amity and friendship with the United States." This el cordage necessary to fit out his ships; and this, too, George Logan, who was afterwards, from 1801 to 1807, when the laborers who have obtained a livelihood in the a member of this Senate, was the advocate for an entire manufacture of cordage, living in his place, are thrown free trade system. In a series of numbers addressed to out of employ. Instances are known, where ships, own- the farmers of the United States, and published in the ed by advocates of the American system, go to sea with year 1791, he holds the following language: old tackle and cables, and return with two, and sometimes "Every unprejudiced citizen must allow that the total three, spare sets of cables--evading entirely the Government duties on these articles. By the facts and illustrations which I have presented, in the main having relation to three principal articles, to wit, iron, woollens, and hemp, and claimed to be protected by the American system, I flatter myself I have succeeded in establishing the position that the tariff laws of 1824 and 1828 are not, and have not been, of essential benefit to American manufactures and American industry. freedom of commerce, without any restriction whatever, And what does the resolution of the Senator from Ken- a What do the advocates of the "system" expect will be the result, should their proposition become a law? If it affords the "protection" they anticipate, would not its effect be to deprive the Government of all revenue, inas- "An unjust and oppressive tax may be acquired from much as, if it shall protect, it must shut out all articles on free people without much difficulty, by laying a duty which revenue depends? Such, however, will not be its or excise upon articles of consumption; in which case, effect. The revenue still derived will be at first undoubt- the purchaser thinks he is only paying the price of the edly greater than the gentleman's calculation; industry commodity, whilst in fact he is paying a heavy tax. Such of all kinds, even the manufactures themselves, will be a system of deception may be well calculated for an prostrated; commerce will suffer, and a general stagna- aristocracy, where a few haughty and deluded men are tion will ensue, till, last of all, the sources of revenue itself will be exhausted. It is said that the system of protection which the resolution proposes--rather should I say a system of destruction-is as old as the Government itself; that it is not only the system adopted by all other enlightened nations, but that it is the system of Washington. in the habit of violating the rights of their fellow-citizens, and hold themselves unaccountable for the expenditure of the public revenue. But is it safe for a republic of freemen to be indifferent with respect to their finances?" This is the language of one of the sages of Pennsylvania to the farmers of that patriotic State. Can it be possible she has forgotten it? Yet it seems a different It is true, sir, that in the early days of the constitution policy of revenue was adopted by the Government. They there was a difference of opinion between the statesmen did resort to duties on imports; they took up with what of that time as to the manner in which the public revenue the friends of a high tariff call the "protective system." should be collected. The most democratic part of the com- Was it such as is now contended for? If so, its little finmunity contended for free and unrestricted trade with all ger is heavier than its parent's loins; if so, it was but a nations in amity with the United States, and that the re-chastisement with whips, and its successor does indeed venue should be collected by a direct tax on estates. Had lay on with scorpions. There was no duty laid by Washthis system been adopted, every one must admit the public ington, either in 1790 or 1794, that was laid for protecburdens would have been more just and equal than they tion, as contended for by the friends of the resolution on Among the champions for this free trade sys- your table. The duty on iron was then five per cent.; it tem was George Logan, of Pennsylvania, the man, who, is now one hundred per cent. The duty on woollens was when the public mind being much agitated on account then five per cent.; it is now from fifty to two hundred of the French revolution, and the violent ascendancy of per cent. Wool manufactured was then free of duty; party spirit, and the nation standing on the brink of war it is now taxed one hundred per cent. The duty on cotwith France, embarked for that country in June, 1798, ton cloths was then five per cent; it is now more than one in order to try to prevent such an issue. For this step, hundred per cent. (say the authors of the Encyclopædia Americana,) he was Sir, the protection to American industry, afforded by denounced as a parricide to his country, and loaded with the policy of Washington's administration, was not such a the utmost abuse. But he succeeded in his intentions;" protection as is contemplated by the resolution on the he succeeded, after the Government agents had failed, and table; nor even such a protection as the present tariff laws left the country, "in convincing the Directory of the intend to extend. Why, sir, the strongest enemies of the impolicy of the measures pursued by France towards present tariff would compound for a tariff that should imthis country, and finally obtained a decree raising pose twice the amount of duties imposed by the tariff of 1790. now are. SENATE.] The Tariff. [FEB. 1, 1832. "A voice Sir, I will not deny that it has ever been the policy of scarcely less heavy upon the West than upon the South; our Government to protect domestic manufactures; but I and, if I may judge of the signs of the times, the people do deny that it ever was the policy of Washington, of the of the West are beginning to realize the fact. first Adams, of Jefferson, or Madison, to afford a greater from Missouri," in resolutions just passed by the repreprotection to any manufacturing interests than the legiti-sentatives of a large portion of her citizens, has reached mate purposes of revenue afforded. This, as I trust I us; that voice condemns a high tariff. The yeomanry of have shown, was enough; it was the best protection ever the West can calculate how much they will have to pay in afforded under this Government. Whether, if you go taxes, and how much they will receive in appropriations beyond this, it be constitutional or unconstitutional, it is for internal improvements; a contrast will show that the impolitic, unjust, and unwise. advantages they will derive from the "system" will not The extraordinary spectacle is now presented by the equal the disadvantages; that, while they pay the Louisi friends of the "American system,” of grave arguments ad-ana planters three cents bounty on every pound of sugar, dressed to the American people, intended to convince them the Louisianians pay no bounty for their flour, corn, and that the reduction of the tax of twenty-five cents on every bacon; that, while they pay a profit on the duties thempound of gunpowder tea, twenty cents on hyson, fourteen selves, proportionate to their greater distance from a on hyson skin, and thirteen cents on all inferior teas, two market, that greater distance depreciates the value of their cents per pound on coffee, and ten cents a bushel on salt, own productions. made by the present administration, so far from being a public benefit, has actually raised the price of all those articles! My worthy friend, the Senator from New Jersey, has presented us an elaborate and able defence of what he calls the protective system. I shall not follow that genI may be permitted here, sir, to say a word of the doc-tleman through his whole discourse, wrong as I think him trine of internal improvements as connected with the tariff in some of his facts, and mistaken as I believe him in most laws. That doctrine-I mean not, sir, the doctrine of of his inferences. His opinion is, that the protecting making for ourselves good roads, excellent roads, and all system does not operate injuriously to any interest in any the canals our business requires; that doctrine was repu- section of the country. If the "system" was what the diated in the State which I have the honor in part to re-term imports, it would indeed be beneficial every where. present in 1822; my colleague on this floor then endorsed My difficulty lies in believing that hotbed protection is the unanimous resolutions passed by that State Legislature, injurious, not only to all other interests with which it has denying to Congress the power of making appropriations any near or remote connexion, but to the very interest it for mere objects of internal improvements. But are not would protect. these appropriations the boon that to this hour has been The credit which the friends of the "system" take for it, held out to the West to reconcile her to the tariff? She is like that which the wily quack takes for himself when the has none, or very few large manufacturing establishments patient, in spite of dose on dose of deleterious medicine adto be protected, as has been shown by the Senator from ministered, is kept alive, and recovers by the stamina of a South Carolina. What, then, induces her to hold on to good constitution; the tricking practitioner claims for himthe "American system," but that splendid part of it self the credit of a cure, when all that he has done is to lay which offers to them millions and tens of millions to be the foundation for employment; so long as the patient shall expended on roads and canals running in every direction? live, more medicine must be administered to counteract The Senator from Kentucky says, "effectual and per- the effects of that already administered. So with domesmanent provision should be made for such internal im-tic manufactures; when once bloated by the unnatural provements as may be sanctioned by Congress;" that this protection afforded by high duties, that bloating will end, is "emphatically due to the West," and that she will like other intemperance, in delirium tremens and death. "not be satisfied with an abandonment of the policy." Let manufacturers have their raw materials either free He says the West have "no direct interest in the expendi-or at low duties, and this benefit, together with relief from tures for the navy, the fortifications, or even the army." the general taxation imposed by the restrictive system, Have they not as much interest in all these as the interior and increased demand for their fabrics consequent upon country in any part of the old thirteen States? Particu- this relief, will soon place them in that safe and prosper larly have not the army and its expenditures, since the ous condition where the fluctuations of foreign trade cantermination of the war of the revolution, been as much not materially injure them. for the benefit of the Western as of the Atlantic States? The Senator says, the true policy of the nation is to Has not our gallant navy protected as much the rights, bring into action all the industry of the country; that it is and honor, and the property of every Western as every by pushing all objects of industry that protection is afford Eastern man? Are there not fortifications as expensive ed. If the Senator can admit the following propositions, guarding the mouths of the Mississippi, and the whole now admitted to be the true principles of political econocommercial property of the West, as of the other rivers my, must he not also admit that his policy is very far from and harbors of our country? bringing into action all the industry of the country? The rise of price always diminishes the consumption of a product, by putting it out of the reach of some of the consumers. The demand then diminishes, and the price article is required to supply the demand. But the Senator supposes something more is due to the Western than to the other States. I admit they deserve much of the country; their valor in defending it when assailed by its enemies, their enterprise in converting the of the article falls. wilderness into fruitful fields, and in building up towns A tax on the raw material raises the price of the article and cities, commends them to our admiration. But, inas- manufactured; the ability to buy being less, less of the much as the Senator himself admits it would be injustice to collect money from one portion of the people to expend it on another, can Congress legitimately appropriate more to be expended on internal improvements in the Western than in the Atlantic States? At least let not this device induce the West to support the "American system," that golden eagles may come back to them in the shape of appropriations for internal improvements, for the silver dollars unnecessarily paid in high duties to protect manufactures in distant parts of the Union. The tariff contemplated by the resolution will bear Taxes destroy, equal to their amount, the products of labor, and at the expense of those who are unable to shift for themselves. Taxes on imposts are not on the article itself, but on the consumer of the article. Revenue from imposts is not value created, but value transferred; it destroys so much value in the bands of those who supply it. When a particular production is favored, above others, by legislative protection, this is evidence that such pro duction is less suitable to the wants of the nation, and less lucrative, because such production, without particular encouragement, is not able to support itself. When profits are raised beyond what they would have been if a particular manufacture had been left to free competition, that which the producer gives is an excess of price lost by the consumer; it is not a value created, but displaced, and diminishes riches on one hand, as much as it increases them on the other. By taxation for encouragement of manufactures, large capitalists are induced to invest their money in them. This encouragement is for the benefit of capital; thus the poor are taxed for the benefit of the rich. [SENATE. use his own words, taken down at the time, "the repeal of all duties, after the importations had settled down to no more than a regular supply, could not materially injure the manufacture of cotton goods." Thus it will be seen, from the opinions of the manufacturers themselves, that any reduction may be made in the duties on cottons without injury to the manufacturers, if that reduction shall he made prospective and gradual. The prosperous business of the last year, like every thing else good, is set down to the credit of the tariff. Its friends contend that the protecting duties reduce prices, while in the same breath they utter their fears that prices will be reduced if the high duties shall be taken A superabundance of capital will seek that employment off. The prosperous condition of trade and industry, in which is most lucrative; and, when thus employed, if turn- my belief, owes nothing to the high tariff, except the ed to agriculture, to manufactures, to the search of the credit of having been retarded by it. A greater start was products of the sea, or to the export and import of mer-given to business by the opening of the West India ports, chandise, gives equal employment to the industry and labor of a nation. the more lucrative employment of ships; and the consequence is a consequence that can be only momentary---that the prices of those articles have not been reduced equal to the reduction of the duties. however the arrangement by which that trade has been secured to us may be here derided, than by any other Sir, ever since the organization of our Government, the event that has transpired during the last ten years. The wealthy capitalists of this country have sought for and ob- effect of opening those ports was immediate in my sectained a greater protection from Congress than the labor- tion of the country: the rise was simultaneous to that event, ers and men of small capital. While capital was principally and has continued from that time to the present. The confined to commerce, every other interest must be sacri- demand for every species of Northern (and, I believe, ficed for the protection of commerce. And now that the Southern) production, ever since that time, has exceeded large capitalists have invested millions in large manufac- the supply; and this demand continues. The price of lumturing establishments, and those capitalists boast of their ber has been raised twenty-five per cent.: our shipping ability to divide their fifteen, twenty, and twenty-five per has been in so great demand, that the usual supply of salt tent. per annum, while property in the soil will not yield and molasses, which had been brought home only because an income of three per cent., Congress is called on to in- it was better than to bring home nothing, has failed, from crease the burdens of the hardy tillers of the soil, to increase the tax on necessary articles of consumption, that the large manufacturers may divide still higher profits. Sir, the manufacture of cotton cloth in the joint stock establishments of New England is greater in amount than I repeat, Mr. President, that it is not to the high tariff the manufacture of all other articles in all other joint we are to attribute the present prosperity of the country. stock companies in the country. An honorable gentleman It is to other causes, which have produced an equal prosbelonging to the other branch of the Legislature, whose perity to the neighboring British provinces, where there income from his manufacturing stock the last year is said are no protecting duties in force, and where the taxes on to have exceeded fifty thousand dollars, emphatically necessary articles are scarcely one-tenth what they are in declared in my hearing, and in the face of the public, he the United States, which have given an impetus to trade was "ready to prove that a pound of cotton can be manu- and commerce throughout the civilized world; it is to the factured into cloth for less money here than in Great Bri-opening and enlarging the channels of foreign intertain." Another gentleman, a practical manufacturer of course, not exactly on the restrictive principle, that we cotton, who has gathered a large fortune from the profits may give credit for the present activity in business, and of cotton establishments in New Hampshire--who was the demand for every species of production. Among the induced to come as a delegate to a late convention at Bal-causes for the cheapening of almost every kind of protimore, being taught to believe that the objects of that duction, the rapid improvements in labor-saving machinery convention embraced much the most important item in the may be mentioned. "American system"-but to whom I can cheerfully award But, sir, let it be supposed that I am mistaken in my the merit of being much more practical and sound in his views in relation to the operation of the tariff; let it be views of manufacturing cottons than of making "Ameri- supposed that particular interests have been, and may can system" Presidents; this gentleman, while in this city, be, benefited by high protecting duties--what does "equal assured me that the business of manufacturing cottons was and exact justice" to our whole country require at the too good to last; that his fears were, the great encourage-hands of its Government? ment now afforded would induce so many to rush into the The eloquent Senator from South Carolina has drawn business as to make it good for nothing. Let that rush a picture--a gloomy picture-of the commercial capital take place; and nothing now prevents it but the general at which he resides, and of the operation of the severe expectation that the duties will be reduced at the present, duties imposed by the tariff on his section of the country, or the next session of Congress, and the manufacturers which I am sure must have operated on all within hearing will within three years witness another revulsion such as of his voice. His was not the language of menace, or they experienced in 1827-28. The small men will be ruin- threat, or taunt; it was a strong expression of the sense ed, and the large and rich owners will carry off the spoils of injustice operating on the whole people; it was purchasing up the establishments, as they purchased them what we may well conceive to be the utterance of well before, for from twelve and a half to fifty cents on the dollar. founded complaint, by the whole people, against oppresIt is the opinion of another practical manufacturer, of sion which is daily becoming more aggravated, because my acquaintance, who has managed a cotton establish- daily deemed less necessary. It matters not to me whement, and made it profitable, for many years, that the ther or not the South, and South Carolina particularly, be immediate repeal of the law imposing duties on cottons really suffering the injuries to the whole extent reprewould be disastrous, inasmuch as such repeal would at sented; certain it is, that it is the almost unanimous opinion first invite an extraordinary importation of foreign cloths, of the Southern people that they do thus suffer. I much by which importation both merchants and manufacturers regretted the spirit in which the complaints coming from would be equally losers: at the same time, said he, and I the South were met by the Senator from New Jersey. His SENATE.] The Tariff. [FEB. 1, 1832. remarks, although I can readily excuse his feelings on this many aricles of luxury which the country cannot produce, subject, surely were not provoked by any part of the and continue them on the principal articles of necessity, speech of the Senator from South Carolina. In this in- which, not they, but other sections of the country, can stance, too, had it not been better he should have recol-produce? Can it be denied that the contest now assumes lected that the parties stood on unequal ground? Even this appearance--that if one interest is to be benefited, had it been the disposition of each party to see which this is to be done at the expense of other interests, and could do the other the most harm—had it been a war of that the suffering will be most felt in that section of the extermination--how cruel is it for the strongest party to country where there is no pretence that any interest is to glory in his advantage? I must believe that, for the mo-be protected? Such, at least, is the appearance of the ment, the Senator from New Jersey had forgotten that he "system" which the resolution proposes. Can we blame possessed this advantage, when, speaking of the intentions the South for resisting such a system? Nay, sir, convinced of himself and his friends, he uttered the very significant as we must believe them to be, that this system involves words, "yes, we will die in the last ditch." them in utter ruin, must we not anticipate consequences, I speak not without book, Mr. President, when I say such as may root up the very foundation of this Union? that the majority of the people of my State would not I hope, Mr. President, that a desire to increase discon"sully the mighty meed of their large honor for so much tents, to fan the flame of division between the North and trash as may be grasped thus;" that they would not take the South, forms no part of the policy of the present day. to the amount of a cent, much less to the amount of mil-I hope there is no unison of purpose between some of those lions, if they could grasp it, to enrich themselves at the ex-politicians who urge the highest duties as necessary to the pense of their brethren of the South. Did the people of vital interests of the country, and some of those who urge the North pour out their blood like water to obtain the to a forcible resistance of high duties, because they are rights and privileges which we enjoy; and can they, in oppressive. If there be any such, from them can we excool blood, deprive their brethren of the same rights and pect no compromise, no conciliation, no meeting on ground privileges, for the paltry gains which such an assumption which shall satisfy all sections of the country. I trust would give? No, sir, there is still left a phalanx of free- there is a majority in the present Congress ready and men at the North, who will not wittingly and willingly goad willing to embrace the glorious opportunity which the their brethren to resistance for the sake of filthy lucre. present crisis presents, so to reduce the taxes on imports Sir, there is a good number at the North, who, for their at least to make preparation for such reduction-as will attachment to the principles which have animated some of satisfy every part of the country, restoring that harmony the best men of the country, have for more than thirty years which characterized the very best days of the republic. been accused of being, first, under "Virginia influence"- The Senator from Maine has read to us extracts from more recently, under "Southern influence," and who have Washington, and the fathers of the constitution, to prove been called the "white slaves of the South." These men it was their opinion a protecting tariff is constitutional. I have often, in New England, been in the minority, and they would that all the statesmen of the present day would go no have more than once had occasion to thank their South-further than did Washington and his compatriots, in imern brethren that their voice has brought back the Govern- posing burdens upon the people. We are told that the ment to the purity of first principles. Never will those protecting system should be adopted by us, because Great men of the North who continue to stand on the ground of Britain and enlightened" nations have adopted it; and principle, be forgiven by their adversaries. Those adver- yet we are told in the same argument, that it was this syssaries have assumed all the colors of the chameleon, that tem of British protection which first caused the resistance they might deceive honest men, as to their real schemes of these States to British authority. How is it with Great and purposes. Long have the patriots of the North been Britain now? She does not tax her colonies one-fourth reproached for their fellow-feeling with the patriots of the the amount that we are taxing ourselves, while at home South, as being partisans, by men who, when they are the the simple annual interest on her public debt is eight times minority, can cry out in derision, "party, party, party;" the amount of the present principal of ours. but who themselves never performed a public act, or ad- I thank the Senator from Maine for quoting Thomas vocated a public measure, where party was not at the Jefferson; and I will here present as the system I would bottom. Sir, in the most perilous days of this republic, choose, that part of Mr. Jefferson's "report on the privile when the "rich nabobs" of the East withheld their money ges and restrictions on the commerce of the United States," from the aid of their bleeding country; when the Legisla- made in 1792, which that Senator did not see fit to present. ture of an Eastern State resolved it was unbecoming a It follows: moral and religious people to rejoice in the success of the "Instead of embarrassing commerce under piles of American arms; when secession from the Union was threat-regulating laws, duties, and prohibitions; could it be ened, and openly advocated, the patriotic party in the relieved from all its shackles, in all parts of the world; States of New England had the physical strength sufficient could every country be employed in producing that to master the factious opposition, and a knowledge of this which nature has best fitted it to produce, and each be fact prevented a resort to the open force which was threat-free to exchange with others mutual surplusses for mutual ened. The Union was then preserved, and "it must be wants, the greatest mass possible would then be produced preserved." of those things which contribute to human life and hu Is it not evident that, in five of the Southern States, man happiness; the numbers of mankind would be inembracing a white population not exceeded by any other creased, and their condition bettered. population on earth for magnanimity and patriotism-for "Would even a single nation begin with the United chivalrous attachment to principle, and for a readiness to States this system of free commerce, it would be advisable sacrifice interest on the altar of public good-is it not to begin it with that nation; since it is one, by one only, evident that these five States are nearly unanimous in the that it can be extended to all. Where the circumstances opinion that the high tariff of duties on articles, none of of either party render it expedient to lay a revenic which they manufacture, but all of which they consume, by way of impost on commerce, its freedom might be operates to their injury, without returning them a corre-modified in that particular, by mutual and equivalent sponding benefit? Whether the fact shall be so or not, is measures, preserving it entire in all others. there not evidence of a deep and settled conviction, on the "Some nations, not yet ripe for free commerce in all part of that people, that they must be ruined if the high its extent, might still be willing to modify its restrictions duties are continued? Will they take it as a matter of and regulations for us, in proportion to the advantages favor and "conciliation," if you now repeal the taxes on which an intercourse with us might offer. Particularly |