SENATE.] The Tariff [MARCH 15, 1832. masses of provisions which myriads, in other climes, can was about the year 1630, when the Plymouth colony sent alone consume. The course of all her rivers, bearing down to the Jamestown colony to buy corn; and she ha south; the position of New Orleans, always free from the been at it ever since. Her high northern latitude preembargo of ice, and her rapid and regular communication vents the raising of these articles at home; and she gets with the country above, and the sea below, since the ap- them in her coasting trade to the South. But how much? plication of steam power to the propulsion of vessels, make Not the hundredth part of what the lower part of Virginia that city the most favorable on this continent for an export and Carolina have to spare! They can supply her amply trade. Thirteen millions of dollars worth of provisions, with corn and flour, to say nothing of the neighboring cotton, and tobacco, now leave that port annually, to find parts of Pennsylvania and New York, which are thema foreign market. Seven or eight millions more, coming selves national granaries of wheat. No, sir, New England from the upper half of the valley, find their market in the can never purchase our provisions. If she really took Southern States and on the lower Mississippi; in all, about from us all that she could consume, it would amount to twenty millions: and this with a young and thin popula- nothing in the mass of our productions. It would be no tion, which barely sprinkles the earth, and a slight cultiva- more than the nibblings of the mice at our barns and cribs, tion, which extends to one acre in fifty, and only half cul- which we do not miss; and by no means equal to the detivates that one. predations of the Norway rats, which, in truth, affect us considerably. Boonlick alone would gorge her. Where are, and where are to be, our markets for all those productions? We see those markets now, 1st, in the A third great data is the well known fact that New Southern States; 2d, in the West Indies; 3d, in some por- England takes no tobacco from us; and the whole heart of tions of South America; and, 4th, in the middle countries the West-(for I am confining my remarks to the West)of Europe. There we see our markets now. But we the whole heart of the West, upon an area of five hundred are told of a domestic market, to be created by domestic miles square, comprehending the finest parts of six States, manufactures, and which is to make New England the su- is a tobacco-growing region. New England takes no part perseder and the successor of the Southern States and of of this article. The Netherlands, the Hanse Towns, Engall foreign nations, in the purchase and consumption of land, (to name them in the order of their importance in Western produce. This is what we are told! and a list of this trade,) France, Spain, the coasts of the Mediterranean, cattle driven into Boston, the invoices of some schooners and the shores of the Baltic sea, are the markets for Amecarrying corn and flour into Rhode Island, and an adven-rican tobacco. Foreign markets alone furnish us purchas ture of wool into the same quarter, which has remained ers for it; and, if deprived of that market, we must give without imitation or repetition, are gravely exhibited to up the cultivation of that great staple. us as the proofs on which we are to surrender the com- A fourth great data, to prove the necessity of foreign merce of the world, and betake ourselves to the commerce trade, and the utter futility of the New England substi of New England! Sir, I do not embarrass my argument tute, is the state of our hard money trade. New England with the consideration of these petty statistics, disputable will furnish us with no gold and silver; on the contrary, in point of fact, and insignificant if ascertained. I look to she takes it from us, and nothing else, in payment for her great data. I view the question under large aspects, visi- manufactures. Our acquisitions of specie all come from ble to all mankind, and decisive in their nature. I look, foreign trade. For even that portion which comes from first, to the territorial extent of New England, a mere the lower Mississippi and the Southern Atlantic States, is speck upon the map of our America! Of that speck, only first obtained from foreign countries, in exchange for the the one half engaged in manufactures, the other half en- cotton, the rice, and the tobacco which is exported. The gaged in producing provisions. Rhode Island, Connecti- last ten years have furnished the Union with seventy-five cut, and Massachusetts are the manufacturing part of New millions of hard money, imported from abroad. Not less England. Their joint areas amount to fourteen thousand than two hundred and forty millions have been imported square miles; just half the extent of South Carolina, which since the establishment of the Federal Government. Mexis itself just one-half the extent of Virginia, which is itself ico is our great fountain of supply; Great Britain and her some fortieth part of the Southern and foreign market; dependencies stand second; the Spanish West Indies third; the whole of which we are required to give up for this the South American States fourth; France and her depen magnificent prospect in New England! This is one of my dencies fifth. Mexico alone furnishes more than half the data; from which I draw the inference that the manufac- annual supply! But how? for we send to her dominions turing districts of New England are incapable, for want of less than one million of our domestic productions! Sit, extent, to furnish the myriads of people who can consume we obtain it by the circuitous operation of trade; by sendthe products of the West. ing our productions to Europe, exchanging them for fine My next great data is this: That, instead of being our goods, and carrying these goods to Mexico. New Eng customer, New England is our competitor in the provision land cannot supply the place of Mexico and Peru, of Eutrade. She exports great quantities of provisions herself. rope and the West Indies, in furnishing us with hard moHer domestic exports were six millions and a half for the ney. Far from supplying us with that metal, she exacts last year: of which about one million was in fish; a conside-it from us. She gives us nothing but manufactured goods, rable part in beef and pork; much in vegetables; and much and for these she will take nothing but hard money, or its in butter and cheese-two articles which I particularly equivalent; and herein lies one of the great evils of the name because their exportation always implies a sufficiency high tariff system, and its hardest operation upon the of cattle at home. New England has advantages in her West-an evil beyond that of the British colonial system; provision trade, which the West has not, in the use of fo- for the colonies could always pay for their goods from Old reign salt free of tax. Her salt, free of tax, for the year England in their provisions and raw materials: but the 1831, was one million one hundred and thirty-one thousand West must send money to New England! five hundred bushels; and has seldom been less in any No, Mr. President, I wash my hands of these Lilliputian preceding year, as the annual reports of the Secretary of statistics. I attach no consequence to the long list that the Treasury will show. New England then can take no- was read to us of sheep and cattle driven into Boston, and thing from us in the way of meat or vegetables. But she the invoices of corn and flour imported into Rhode Island. imports corn and flour; she actually receives corn and I wash my hands of all the fine prospects which have been flour from the coasts of Virginia and North Carolina! Yes, exhibited for the future consumption of the products of and did receive them long before the high tariff was thought the great West, in the nutshell of New England. 1 look of; and will continue to receive them after it ceases to ex- at the thing under other, and larger, phases. I look at it ist. The first that she received, according to my reading, under the aspects which God and nature present, and MARCH 15, 1832.] desolation of the Northeastern cities. The Tariff. In the products of the forest, [SENATE. 4,192,047 1,726,270 6,557,380 which man can neither conceal nor alter. I look at her under the aspects of territorial extent-possible population-pursuits of industry--and habits of trade; and say that the microscopic speck in the Northeastern corner of Here, sir, is proof for you! Here is demonstration! our America cannot furnish consumers for Western pro- Here is the logic of the exact sciences! Here is the true visions-cannot furnish purchasers for Western tobacco-working of the high tariff policy! And what does it prove cannot become the golden fountain of supply for the pre- to you? It proves that agriculture in the year 1830 is worth cious metals. And I say this without reference to the moun- seven millions less than in 1816, instead of being worth tains which intervene, and the ice which forbids communica- one-third, or seventeen millions more; that the products of tion when communication is alone wanted. I pretermit all the forest-a kindred product to agriculture--are three mention of these natural obstacles of earth and climate, be- millions less in 1830 than 1816, instead of being three milcause I wish to avoid disputation; and I know that I should lions more; that the products of the sea, instead of declinbe suddenly told that the West is to remove or overcome all ing like the others, have actually advanced near half a these obstacles of nature; her lands are to be a fund for million; and that the products of the manufactories have levelling mountains, and drawing out railways, and perfo- advanced upwards of threefold, from one million and rating the earth with canals! and so drawing off the com- three-quarters to six millions and a half! This logic of merce of the West from New Orleans to Boston and New figures puts to flight all the delusive theories which would York. I leave out these views; because I know that after either deny the fact of a decline in our foreign commerce, the West may have been despoiled of its lands for this or attribute it to the diminution of money, and consequent object, the commerce of the great valley will still follow fall of prices. The produce of the high tariff States is the course of nature, and flow through the channels which not affected by those aluses. The produce of the sea, God has created for it. It will still prefer down hill to namely, fish, oil, whalebone, and spermaceti, which goes up hill-down stream to up stream--a flowing river to a from the high tariff States in the Northeast, sells as well as frozen ditch-a magnificent steamboat to a narrow cage-ever. The produce of the manufactories, too numerous a cheerful city, in a soft, delicious, salubrious climate, to be detailed, especially after reading a list of them an (for such is New Orleans in all the business months,) to hour ago, also goes from the same State, and is vastly inthe dreary regions, the ice-bound harbors, and the winter creased. But the produce of agriculture, namely, beef, pork, bacon, flour, grain, cotton, rice, tobacco, &c. &c., The West needs foreign trade. Why else did our an- which goes from the Southern and Western States, is largecestors struggle under the Government of the confedera- ly sunk in value; the produce of the forest, which goes tion to secure the free navigation of the Mississippi? Why principally from the same States, and consists of skins and else did the whole West rejoice at the acquisition of the furs, of tar, pitch, rosin, and turpentine, of staves and shinmouths of the Mississippi in 1803? But it is said that the gles, hewn timber, masts, spars, boards, and other lumber, introduction of the high tariff policy has not been injuri- has also sunk in value. Sir, there is no mistake in these ous to foreign trade. I think otherwise; but let us avoid figures! no error in these deductions! no room for any dian array of opposite opinions, and contradictory assertions, which decide nothing, and produce no results, and let us have recourse to the logic of facts which put an end to all mistakes. Let us examine this point upon evidence, and evidence of that character that no man may be permitted to dispute it. I speak of the evidence of the custom-house books, and will take two periods which will exhibit the Several speakers, Mr. President, have read to us the fairest state of the question. I will take the year 1816, accounts of British oppression during our colonial vassalwhich was the year of the commencement of the high tariff age. They have shown that we were allowed to manupolicy; and the year 1830, which was two years after that facture nothing for ourselves, and were compelled to pursystem had attained its present maximum growth. In the chase the manufactures of the mother country. This was first of these years the export of domestic productions was certainly a great oppression upon the colonists, and de$64,781,896; in the second it was $59,462,029. Here is served their highest resentment; but in some respects the a decrease of five millions, when there ought to have been present state of trade between the West and the high tariff' an increase of about thirty millions; for our population States is on a worse footing for the West than that of the had increased one-third in the same time, and our country colonists was with the mother country. In the first place, was at peace with all the world during the whole period; the colonists bought their manufactures from the mother and her foreign commerce should have been as progres-country at a cheaper rate than we buy from the high tariff sive as her population. The diminution of foreign trade States, especially in the essential articles of woollen goods. is then, in reality, about thirty-five millions; and that in In the next place, the colonists paid in their own producthe short space of fourteen years. This is a striking view tions, we in money. In the third place, the colonists furof the decline of foreign trade under the high tariff policy; nished the raw materials to be worked up in England, but it is by no means the strongest view which the case while the West furnishes scarcely any raw material for the admits. That strongest view will be seen in the dissec- Northeastern manufactures, and many of them employ fotion, or analysis, of our export trade for those years; an reign materials, to the exclusion of American materials. operation which will show that the decline has fallen, not We have a very striking instance of this in a memorial now generally upon all our exports, but partially and exclusively on the products of the earth--the products of the South and West-while the exports of the Northeast have actually increased during the same period. Here is the analysis: In 1816, the domestic exports were: of the forest, of the sea, of manufactures, In 1830, they were: versity of opinion! The high tariff works alike, throughout all its departments, and in every operation, at home and abroad. It is hurtful to the farmer and the planter; it is beneficial to the fisherman and the manufacturer. It sheds the whole of its benign influences upon the Northeast; it reserves all its baleful effects for the South and West! upon our tables from a firm of flax manufacturers near Philadelphia. It contains this remarkable sentence: "The manufactures your memorialists produce are from foreign flax exclusively, and consist of shoe threads, tailors' threads, twines, and flax and tow yarns entering into other manufactures, as checks, linens, carpeting, patent floor cloth, $53,354,000 boot webbing, and hair seating, which cannot be made 7,293,000 from the flax grown in this country, of a quality to answer 1,331,000 the purposes of the consumers." Now, under the old co1,755,000 lonial system, these manufacturers would have been obliged to use American flax, and to have paid Americans for $46,976,332 it; but under our high tariff, they buy the flax from abroad; SENATE.] The Tariff. [MARCH 15, 1832. and the high duties upon all the manufactures of flax, as I mentioned before, and which, upon this subject, is the threads and twines, checks and linens, carpetings and law and the prophets with me: revenue, to the extent of the floor cloths, boot webbing and hair seating, enables them Government wants; protection as an incident to revenue. to sell the manufacture sufficiently high to enable them to Sir, I do not argue these points over again; nor do I go buy the foreign material, and the people are to be delud- further into the discussion for regulating foreign commerce ed with the story that this is a domestic manufactory! The upon the principle of reciprocity, and establishing discrim quantity of foreign flax imported into the United States inating duties as a means of coercing or conciliating benein two years after the tariff of 1828, and remaining in the ficial treaties from foreign nations. I leave all these points country for consumption, was ninety-six thousand seven to their fate, to live or perish upon what has already been hundred and forty-two dollars worth; which, of course, said. But there was a phrase used by General Hamilton, went into our domestic manufactories. It is the same and read to you some half hour ago, which I must be exthing with other articles; for our custom-house books show cused for bringing up again to the notice of the Senate. an import of foreign wool, since the tariff of 1824, to the General Hamilton spoke of the American system; and he value of two million seventy-two thousand one hundred is the first individual, so far as my reading extends, that and eighty-five dollars; of foreign hemp to the value of ever pronounced that phrase. But in what sense did he three million five hundred and forty-one thousand six use it? For the destruction of foreign commerce? think hundred and forty-two dollars; of foreign indigo to the you! and the substitution of a delusive home trade, and value of four million eight hundred and thirty-five thou- domestic manufactures? No, sir! But for the preservasand seven hundred and sixty-seven dollars; of foreign raw tion, the extension, the promotion of foreign trade! to hides to the value of eleven million one hundred and se- exalt it to the highest point of prosperity! and that by a venty-two thousand seven hundred dollars; and of foreign discriminating duty! This was General Hamilton's idea furs to the value of two million seventy-seven thousand of an American system! This was the system, this the two hundred and thirty-five dollars: making, in the whole, policy, which, in the glowing language of that ardent man, an importation of foreign materials, in five articles alone, was to enable us, not to cut the connexion, but to dictate to the amount of twenty-five millions of dollars, in the short the terms of the connexion, between the old and the new space of six years, between the years 1824 and 1830. And world. This it was which was to open to us the commerce this is the nett amount which remained in the country for And this is the sysconsumption, after deducting the re-exportations. This immense sum has been paid to foreigners, instead of American citizens; so that, in this respect, our trade with the Northeastern manufacturers is on a far worse footing than that of the old colonists with Great Britain. But I trust that this hardship will soon be relieved, and that, in the modification of the tariff at the present session, the farm. ers and planters of the United States will be admitted into the benefits of the American system, and secured in the domestic supply of the raw materials to our domestic manufactories. I hope for this much for the farmers, and for the honor of the system. of all nations, upon reciprocal terms. tem with which President Washington directed Mr. Gouverneur Morris to warn England in 1789, and the fear of which, Mr. Madison tells us, induced Mr. Pitt to bring this bill into Parliament for the relaxation of the British restrictive system above forty years ago. This is the sys tem the success of which was believed to be infallible forty years ago. Is there the least reason to believe its success would fail now? So far from it, that success is still more probable now than at that time. Examine its operation: see its practical effect upon foreign Powers. We import linens from England, France, and Germany; each of these For nothing can be more Powers takes tobacco from us, but with heavy duties or absurd than to erect domestic manufactures upon foreign restrictions. We abolish duties on linens in favor of any materials; nothing more contradictory than to predicate Power that will take our tobacco on moderate duties; and independence for goods upon dependence for materials we leave a duty of six or eight per cent. on the linens of to make them out of; nothing more iniquitous than to give those Powers that refuse. The result must be, that some to the manufacturers the home market of goods, and not one will enter into our arrangement; and if any one does, give to the farmers the home market of raw materials; no- the others must, or suffer a decline in a branch of trade thing more insulting to the understandings of the people, which will be greatly to their own prejudice. Another than to call such a one-sided monopoly an American system. example: we get coffee from Cuba, St. Domingo, and The West, then, Mr. President, in common with all the Brazil; all these countries take provisions from us, but agricultural portions of this Union, has a deep and direct loaded with duties beyond their value in the United States. interest in the preservation and extension of foreign trade. Their coffee trade with us is indispensable. If she looked to her interest alone, if she looked at the best customer. A free trade in coffee with any one of question under the single aspect of selfish benefit, she them would compel the others to relax in their high duwould be an advocate for unrestricted commerce with all ties, and relieve our provision trade from oppressive burthe world. She would continue the cry, upon which she dens in the West Indies. I mention a few articles, and a went to war twenty years ago, for free trade and sailors' few Powers only, by way of example; but the system which rights! But the West is not individual in her existence, I recommend extends to all Powers without exception, nor egotistical in her policy. She is a sectional division and to all the leading articles on which we propose to of an extended confederacy; she belongs to a great politi- abolish, or greatly reduce, our duties. Success seems to cal system; she is subject to a duplicate form of Govern- be certain; but if not, what then? Have we lost any ment; and these conditions impose upon her obligations, thing? No, sir; we are where we should be without the which neither duty nor patriotism permit her to disregard. attempt. And this is the peculiar recommendation of the Her Government must be supported, and that support re-discriminating system, that, while it proposes, and almost quires revenue; her independence must be maintained, makes sure of the greatest advantages, it exposes nothing and that independence requires a home supply of certain to risk. We are their articles. Foreign commerce presents the most conveni- Sir, this proposition for equivalents obviates the objec ent subject for revenue, for the support of the Federal tion to a repeal of duties on articles of luxury. Under Government; and the levy of that revenue may be made the plan I propose, the repeal will be purchased, not grant the means of encouraging the production of the essential ed gratuitously; and the laborer that never uses a luxury articles which our independence requires to be made at will have the benefit of the repeal of duty on all articles home. Hence the necessity of qualifying the unlimited of that description in the improved markets which it will freedom of trade, which our pecuniary interest might re- obtain for his produce abroad. quire; and hence, also, the measure of that qualification. Sir, let no one object to the trial--the experiment-of And this, Mr. President, brings me back to a point which this system, upon a self-made prediction that it may not MARCH 16, 1832.] Refunding of Duties.-The Tariff. [SENATE. succeed. Sinister predictions are a very common, but a Mr. President, I hope I have been fortunate enough to very miserable substitute for solid argument. They are make myself intelligible to the Senate. I certainly underinsidious objections, often disguised in candor, founded in stand myself, whether others do or not. I am an enemy hostility. They aid the foreign Powers, by suggesting to to unnecessary taxation, and mean to vote for reducing them an adverse policy, and confirming them in schemes the revenue to the wants of the Government. I am an of counteraction. Such predictions belong to the enemy, enemy to a public debt, to its substance as well as to its or to those feeble minds to which every attempt is an im- shadow, and mean to vote for relief from the burdens as possibility, who see defeat in every undertaking. Let well as relief from the name of our present debt. I am such be content with their own inactivity, without throw- a friend to domestic industry, and intend to give it a fair ing cold water upon the ardor of others. Let the timid protection under the regular exercise of the revenuestand back. They could do nothing if they tried. "Faint raising power. I am a friend to a judicious tariff, in conheart never won fair lady." Let the bold go forward. tradistinction to an injudicious, or a political, or a sectional Let those try who have the spirit of victory within them. one; and mean to have regard to every public interest-I predict auspiciously for my country. predict success, the farmer as well as the manufacturer--the consumer as and the most beneficial conseqences, from a trial of the well as the producer--the importer as well as the exdiscriminating system. We can abolish sixteen millions porter, in adjusting the future scale of the tariff duties. of duties; we can set one-half our commerce free; all Eu- Above all, I am a friend to the cultivators of the earth, rope wants a share in that free trade; and every Power in and mean to labor hard to give them some benefit from Europe will bid for it, and grant equivalents for it, if not the reduction of the revenue, in lowering the price of gratuitously abandoned to them. Why should we aban- land! and abolishing the tax on salt. For the rest, I am in don such a privilege? Why not avail ourselves of all our favor of action, not words. I am for going to work on fair advantages? We hold a lever with which we can lift the tariff bill, and ceasing to debate on the tariff resoluthe commercial system of the world; we occupy a position tions. I am in favor of dropping both the resolutions bewhich enables us to command the commerce of all nations-fore us, and sending another to a committee, directing a position which, in the language of General Hamilton, ena- that committee to bring in the whole tariff in one bill-bles us to dictate the terms of the connexion between Ame-every item now subject to duty; that we may take it up rica and Europe. Why refuse to work that lever? Why for decision, begin at the beginning, and go to the end; alforego the advantages of such a position? Why abandon forty tering what we can alter, and showing the result to the peomillions of free trade to the gratuitous enjoyment of foreign ple, for their approval or condemnation. This is what I am nations? Why not ask for equivalents? Why not ask for now for; and for this purpose, I now conclude my speech, a reduction of sixteen millions of duties on our exports of and offer you a resolution in amendment, or substitution grain and provisions, tobacco, rice, flour, &c. in return of those which are now depending, [instructing the comfor a reduction of sixteen millions here upon the imports mitteee to which the subject should be referred, to report of silks and wines, linens and worsted stuff goods, coffee, a bill embracing all the items on which a reduction might &c., which we receive from foreign nations? Why not be thought proper, either with or without fixing the rate try the system of the constitution, in a conjuncture so fa- of duties on each article.] vorable, which may never recur again, when success is now so certain, and the advantages so great?-when the attempt exposes nothing to risk, and failure would leave all things just as they are? I ask for a chance, and nothing but a chance. I ask it in the name of the constitution, and the good of the country. If we are defeated, let the defeat come from abroad. If the constitution cannot work; if its theory of regulating trade by discriminating duties is a fallacy; if the constitution is to fail in the main object Mr. SILSBEE offered an amendment, that where any for which it was formed, and without which it would not merchant or agent in a foreign country had made purhave been formed, let it, at least, have a trial first. Let chase of certain articles specified to be imported into the the failure be proved upon experiment, and not acknow- United States, and where said purchase was made in the ledged upon anticipation. But it will not fail. Authentic regular course of business before the tariff act of 1828 facts enable me to say it will not. France has actually was known to said merchant or agent, that said articles be began the system of discriminating duties with us. I al- exempt from the duty then laid upon them. lude to the arrangement upon wines and cottons, which the late treaty contains. Another Power, which I do not name, for a reason which the Senate well understand, is Mr. CLAY said that the bill proposed a large approprianow actually complaining that we do not begin the system tion, but involved principles more important, as it might with her; and that Power is one of our best customers for establish a precedent of great influence in its consequentobacco, and the very best customer we have for rice. ces. In order to enable the Senate to obtain a full view The Governor General of the Swedish West Indies, from of the amendment and documents, and have an opportua third Power, made a visit to this city two years ago to nity carefully to examine the subject, he moved to lay propose the same policy between the Swedish West Indies the bill on the table, in hopes that the gentleman from and the United States; an instance which I cite, not for Massachusetts would move to have the amendment and adoption to the extent he proposed, but to show the ge- documents, which he had read, and which he considered neral feeling in favor of a just reciprocity in trade. Nor satisfactory, printed for the use of the Senate. The bill do I despair of England. The vast majority of her peo- proceeded on the principle that no part of the increased ple, and a powerful minority in Parliament, have always duty had entered into the price of the articles on which it been in favor of relaxation in her corn laws; the reform of had been laid and if that case could be fairly made out, the representation, now in progress, is expected to effect the petitioners might have an equitable claim to relief. that reform in legislation; and a circumstance just occurThe bill was laid on the table, and the amendment and red in England raises my expectation of its early success. accompanying documents ordered to be printed. It is the refusal of the titular Lord Milton to accept a peerage, and go into the House of Lords, because he wishes to remain in the House of Commons till the corn laws are repealed. The Senate then adjourned. FRIDAY, MARCH 16. REFUNDING OF DUTIES. The bill to exempt imported merchandise in certain cases from the operation of the tariff law of 1828, was taken up in Committee of the Whole. Mr. S. supported the amendment, and explained the effect of the duty upon the commercial interest generally. THE TARIFF. The Senate then resumed the consideration of Mr. CLAY'S resolution respecting the tariff. SENATE.] The Tariff.--Internal Improvements.—Remission of Duties. [MARCH 19, 20, 21, 1832. Mr. BIBB, of Kentucky, spoke until the hour of ad- gentleman from Pennsylvania could now propose his subjournment, in opposition to the resolution. The Senate than adjourned over to Monday. stitute, would be by moving a reconsideration of the vote just taken. A postponement of the subject would not remove the difficulty. Mr. WILKINS said it was proper he should apprise the Senate that the amendment intended to be proposed by him would not vary the general principle assumed in the original resolution; he was only desirous that the reso lution should be somewhat more definite. Mr. CLAY said, as the resolution was merely the asser tion of a great federal or general principle, it was unnecessary to enter into details, until a bill should be reported, in conformity to that principle. The question would then be open for discussion, and the gentleman The Senate again proceeded to consider the following resolutions, submitted by Mr. CLAY on the 9th January from Pennsylvania would have an opportunity, by amend last: ment, if necessary, to effect any object which might be Resolved, That the existing duties upon articles import-deemed necessary, &c. ed from foreign countries, and not coming into competition with similar articles made or produced within the United States, ought to be forthwith abolished, except the duties upon wines and silks, and that they ought to be reduced. Resolved, That the Committee on Finance report a bill accordingly. And Mr. HAYNE's amendment thereto, proposed on the 16th of January, viz. Strike out all after the word "countries," and insert as follows: "Be so reduced that the amount of the public revenue shall be sufficient to defray the expenses of Government according to the present scale, after the payment of the public debt; and that, allowing a reasonable time for the gradual reduction of the present high duties on the articles coming in competition with similar articles made or produced within the United States, the duties be ultimately equalized, so that the duty on no article shall, as compared with the value of that article, vary materially from the general average." Mr. BIBB resumed, and concluded his remarks in opposition to the original resolution, and in favor of the amendment. Mr. FORSYTH moved to refer the whole subject to the This motion was negatived, as follows: Mr. FORSYTH moved to postpone the further consideration of the subject until the first Monday in May. This motion was opposed by Messrs. CLAY, WILKINS, and HOLMES; and before coming to a decision, on mo tion of Mr. HOLMES, TUESDAY, MARCH 20. INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS. Mr. HENDRICKS asked and obtained leave to intro duce a bill for the improvement of the navigation of the Wabash river, and for the survey of the Kaskaskia and White rivers; and moved that it be referred to the Committee on Roads and Canals. Mr. SMITH opposed this reference, and moved that it be referred to the Committee on Commerce. Mr. HENDRICKS said that he had, on a former occa sion, moved to refer the resolution of inquiry and memorial on this subject to that committee; but the Senate had, on mature deliberation, decided to refer them to the moved that this bill be referred to the committee having Committee on Roads and Canals, and he had, therefore, the other matters in relation to it under consideration. Mr. SMITH said that he believed this was the first time that subjects of this naturę had been referred to the Committee on Roads and Canals; and as the object was to benefit commerce, it more properly belonged to that committee. Mr. HENDRICKS replied that the bill for the im NAYS.--Messrs. Bell, Clay, Clayton, Dickerson, Dud-provement of the Mississippi and Ohio rivers was referred to the Committee on Roads and Canals, on a former occasion. Mr. EWING said that there was a distinction between ley, Ewing, Foot, Frelinghuysen, Hendricks, Johnston, Knight, Marcy, Prentiss, Robbins, Robinson, Seymour, Silsbee, Sprague, Tipton, Tomlinson, Waggaman, Wilkins.--22. foreign commerce and internal improvement. The forMr. HAYNE then called for a division of the question; mer subject came within the jurisdiction of the Commit and the vote was first taken on striking out all of the tee on Commerce, but the latter being in fact for the inoriginal resolution after the word "Resolved," by yeas belong to the Committee on Roads and Canals. As this provement of a public highway, seemed more properly to YEAS.--Messrs. Benton, Bibb, Brown, Ellis, Forsyth, bill provided for the improvement of the internal commu Grundy, Hayne, Hill, Kane, King, Miller, Moore, Poin-nication between the States, he was in favor of having t referred to the committee on that subject. dexter, Robinson, Smith, Troup, Tyler, White.-18. After some further remarks by Messrs. SMITH, HEN DRICKS, and CLAYTON, the motion of Mr. Hav DRICKS was agreed to. and nays, and negatived, as follows: NAYS.--Messrs. Bell, Buckner, Clay, Clayton, Dickerson, Dudley, Ewing, Foot, Frelinghuysen, Hendricks, Holmes, Johnston, Knight, Marcy, Prentiss, Robbins, Seymour, Silsbee, Sprague, Tipton, Tomlinson, Wagga man, Wilkins.--23. The PRESIDENT declared that the amendment of Mr. HAYNE was rejected, and the original resolution adopted. Mr. WILKINS remarked that he had intended to propose a substitute for the resolution of the gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. CLAY.] From the decision of the Chair, he did not know how he could effect his object. He would, for the present, move to lay the subject on the table, and that the Senate proceed to the consideration of executive business. Mr. BENTON asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill granting to the State of Missouri five hundred tho sand acres of the public lands, for the purpose of internal improvement within that State; which was read, and ordered to a second reading. The remainder of the day was spent on private bills and executive business. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 21. The bill from the House of Representatives for the re Mr. KING suggested that the only mode in which the lief of Bishop Benedict J. Flaget, was read the second time. |