APRIL 9, 1832.] OF DEBATES IN CONGRESS. Appropriation Bill--Colonial Trade. 754 [SENATE advantage than had before existed. must frankly state, that, in the general consideration of bition against us. But the undersigned thence, free, to the West Indies, these duties are a prohi the question now to be determined, no weight ought to cripple, if not totally annihilate, our navigation. be assigned to the reduction of those duties, as forming Never was a scheme better devised to any part of the grounds on which the re-establishment of colonial trade "arrangement," it is found in the posthuIf we need proof of the utter want of reciprocity in the the intercourse may be acceded to. part of a general scheme of taxation which the Govern- offered by my colleague. Why they were not sent beThese changes are mous documents which came in answer to a resolution ment of America may, at all times, impose or modify, fore, is unknown, though it may be imagined. Here is a with the same freedom as that which Great Britain may direct avowal of the operation of this arrangement, and exercise in the regulation of any part of its system of du- the British Government is urged to act more favorably. ties; and it is the more essential that his Majesty's Govern- Mr. McLane had been expressly told that the British Goment should not contract, by implication, any engagement vernment intended to alter their schedule of duties, towards that of the United States, with respect to such "with a view more effectually to support the interests of alterations, because his Majesty's Government have alrea-the British North American colonies;" yet, after it was dy under their consideration the expediency of introduc- all over, and he saw the operation of his own negotiation, ing some modifications into the schedule of duties attached he writes to Lord Palmerston: "If, therefore, the unto the act of Parliament of 1825, with a view more effect- dersigned has succeeded in showing, as he hopes he has, ually to support the interests of the British North Ame- that the present bill virtually destroys the fair advantages rican colonies," &c. Now, if this frank and ingenious of the direct intercourse between the United States and avowal that Great Britain intended to make every dis- the British West Indies, contemplated in the recent arcrimination which she could, to favor the circuitous trade, rangement, he might confidently submit the subject, withwas not sufficient to open his eyes, and silence all com-out further observation, to the justice and good faith of plaint afterwards, it seems to me nothing could. And, in his Majesty's Government." a very few days after, Mr. Herries introduced into Parlia- makes his own bargain bad enough, according to the ment his proposed alteration of duties, in favor of the co- schedule proposed by Mr. Herries; and if he will make a Mr. McLane, by this letter, lonies, to which I alluded several months ago. Mr. Herries comparison between that and the act of 22d of April, stated that "the object of the schedule was to give en- 1831, he will find that, if possible, this makes it worse. couragement to a supply of the West India islands by the But, though he has confidently submitted to "the justice North American colonies of Great Britain, instead of by and good faith of his Majesty's Government" for relief, as the United States, or any other country;" that "America he had before submitted to its liberality, still, Lord Palhad entirely and unconditionally (and he might have add-merston was so disgusted that the American minister could ed, humbly) withdrawn her pretensions.' ment the British Government commences this modification and suppliantly solicited, that he did not even deign to But the mo- so soon complain of an arrangement which he so lately of its duties, for the purpose expressly announced to Mr. answer his letter. McLane, he begins to complain. He expected our inte- as was Mr. McLane in the whole of this affair. He seems rest was to have been somewhat consulted, and that, in fill-to have been noticed with the kind of British hauteur Never was a man treated so cavalierly ing the carte blanche, which he had offered to his lordship, which is induced by another's humility. There is one he would not have taken the whole to himself. But Aber-thing I like in an Englishman: he is for England against deen had seen that Mr. McLane was to accomplish some the world, and honors the man of any other country, even arrangement, no matter what, and that he had him in his if he is an enemy, who entertains the same patriotic pride. power. Now, said he, "Mr. McLane, I'll make you a We will now look at the effect of this arrangement a fair offer-I'll have the turkey, and you shall have the little more in detail. The same facilities would have been crow, or you shall have the crow, and I'll have the tur-given to our trade by inland navigation, had not this arkey." Now, as this sounded somewhat reciprocal, and rangement been made. The very effect of interdiction, as something must be done, he accepted the proposition. by sca, would be to increase the intercourse by land. Our But when he began to think further--now, said he to him- inland trade could not, therefore, be benefited by openself, "I have at last got nothing but the crow, and the ing the Atlantic ports. Englishman has the turkey;" then he begins to make his of to the agricultural, at the expense of the navigating complaints: "May it please your lordship, you did not say interest, is all a delusion. The truth is, that the agricultural The gain which has been boasted turkey to me at all." Aberdeen pats him on the shoulder: interest on the Atlantic has lost, by destroying a competition "Never mind, never mind, you are an honest fellow--a in the carrying, while the interior has gained nothing. very honest fellow." By this he was pacified, wiped his eyes, and came right home and received his reward. [Mr. H. here read a comparative view of the prices of markets, from 1823 to August 12, 1831.] ashes and other produce, in the New York and Montreal We have seen the fall Mr. Herries's schedule was not adopted; but, on the 22d April, 1831, an act of Parliament was passed, varying in some particulars from that proposed in November, but dis- rent of our domestic exports at Montreal and New York, I have here given a comparative view of the prices curcriminating more unfavorably against us, and in favor from 1823 to 1831, inclusive, by which it appears that of the colonies. I have made a schedule, presenting, the proportionate differences of price have averaged about in three opposite columns, the duties as in 1830, before the same. the arrangement; those proposed by Mr. Herries; and more circuitous than it now is, while the carrying was We see that, heretofore, the trade was no those imposed by the act of April, 1831. I will give you chiefly ours; whereas, under this arrangement, the British a few specimens from this schedule. Wheat flour into the Southern colonies, duties, 1830, ing off of our tonnage in the trade with the British, Swedish, will eventually obtain the whole. per bbl. 5s.; proposed by Mr. Herries, 68.; by act of April, and Danish colonies only, and the consequent increase of 1831, 58. Into the Northern colonies, 1830, 58.; Mr. the foreign. The comparison between the West India Herries, 58.; by act of April, 1831, free; giving a manifest ports, only, in these three, is still more appalling: in 1830, advantage to the trade through the colonies, over that it was 74,890 tons; 1831, 35,667; and, inasmuch as much proposed by Herries. Again, take the article of staves of the indirect trade was through the Spanish, French, and heading. In 1830, per 1,000, red oak, 15s.; white and Dutch islands, and Hayti, this depreciation must be oak, 12s.; Herries', 18s.; act of April, 1831, red oak, much greater. £1 6s. 3d.; white oak, £1 3s. 3d. Could this depreciation of our navigation, Now, as these articles, and, indeed, all lumber, goes consumer, there would be some consolation that what was by bringing a foreign competition, aid the producer or free into the Northern and Northeastern colonies, and the loss of the one was the gain of the other. But such VOL. VIII.-48 SENATE.] Appropriation Bill--Colonial Trade. [APRIL 9, 1832. is the advantage given here to the foreigner, that all Ameri-| So that, while the British gain, in the colonial intercan competition is destroyed, and the price of freights is course with their colonies, in this year, is 88,816 tons, not diminished. On the other hand, how did the case stand, our loss is 16,794, besides almost a total loss of the tonunder the restrictions or interdictions? The burden of nage employed through the neutral ports. In 1830, the the circuitous voyage fell on the British almost exclusive- departures for Swedish, Danish, and British colonial ports, ly. It is like the case of a tax; if the producer needs to were 192, 061 American, and 15,081 only foreign. In sell, more than the buyer to buy, the former pays; if the 1831, the departures are 151,147 American, and 107,078 reverse, the latter. Now, the produce of the British West foreign. In 1830, your domestic tonnage stood as 192,061 Indies, which we consume, is a small proportion of our to 15,080. In 1831, your domestic to the foreign was consumption of like articles from other sources. In 1827, as 151,147 American, to 107,078 foreign. In the first the whole amount of our trade with all the West Indies, year, the excess of the American over the foreign, 176,981, including Spanish, French, Dutch, Swedish, Danish, and is reduced to 44,069, making a nett loss of tonnage, in one British, was $12,137,897 year, of 132,912. Of which was British, other. 895,207 Now, look at this in another view. By the report, it $11,242,690 appears that, of the whole number of vessels entering and departing, up to 31st September, 1830, there are, enterAdd, probably, the indirect trade through "the neuing, American, 1,166; foreign, 1,292; departing, Ameri tral ports," and it might give Great Britain three millions can, 906; foreign, 1,129. The entries, British West Indies, of dollars; or, say a little less than one-fourth. Now, it is and 133 foreign. Northern provinces, entry, American, American, 300; foreign, 157; departing, 311 American, manifest that any tax or expense of carrying, upon the one-fourth, could not affect the price of the three-fourths, 1,129. It is suggested in the report, in an extract from 866; foreign, 1,135; departing, American, 595; foreign, and the burden would consequently fall on the producer. How is it with the consumption of our products by the does not choose to give us his name, that many American, some collector, nobody knows whom, for the Secretary colonies? The case is directly the reverse. They need to buy, more than we do to sell. We can find other mar- to the British West Indies. vessels clear for the West Indies generally, but in fact go kets, better than they can do without ours. There may be some cases of It has been admitted, again and again, that the continental colonies canthis sort; but about 7,000 tons cleared thus in 1830, when not supply the West Indies, and that they would be ruined they were interdicted the British West Indies. Besides, without the means, in some way, of obtaining our products. West Indies, as have departed. What, then, could have just as many vessels, except one, have entered from the But the apparent loss of our navigation is by far less become of those which went to the West Indies generally? than the real. The comparative number of vessels or of The whole truth is, some vessels may clear for the West tons indicates by no means a comparative value of freight. Indies generally, and go to a British island; and others may The same vessel, in a short voyage, may enter and clear clear for a British island and a market,” and go to some ten times a year; and it would appear that ten times the other place; and the numbers would probably offset each number had done so, than had in fact. A single vessel, of the same tonnage, might enter and clear but once in the same time; but such might be the character and length ceive that this is only the beginning of sorrow. But look a little further into the case, and you will perof her voyage, that her freight and profits would be worth McLane, against the plain meaning of the law, agreed to Mr. more than all the ten. Now, here we carry chiefly the short voyage, while the British, taking advantage of the give the British the start in the race, and they began the circuitous voyage, take our products from the neighbortrade nearly two months before we possibly could. With this ing provinces to the West Indies, (whether foreign or do-advantage, that, of exporting from the United States promestic,) or to their possessions in Europe, from both of colonies, and the warehousing system, we had to struggle ducts which we could not, and the protecting duties for the which we are excluded. We are at last, sir, permitted hard to enjoy a small participation in the trade; but what we to look into the facts on this subject, and to see, in some had, is comparatively dwindling every day. In January. measure, how far our theory is sustained by substantial the vessels entered from North American provinces, Ameritruth. The resolutions which I had the honor to offer, on this subject, calling for information, were adopted by tember, American 97, British 225. can 31, British 18; May, American 43, British 117; Septhe Senate on the 22d December, and it has been more next, we shall probably have little left in the trade. We By 30th September it at last, such as it is. The resolutions had been offered from its particularity, looks as if it was official. It has been We have got have an account from the Passamaquoddy district, which, on account of a most inexplicable paragraph in the Presi- relied on by the admin stration papers as evidence of the dent's message. In speaking of the colonial arrangement, success of this glorious event--"The ports are open." It he observed that "the trade thereby authorized has em- seems by this, that, during the year 1831, the departures ployed, to the 30th September last, upwards of 30,000 tons of American, and 15,000 tons of foreign shipping, in were, American 26, foreign 885. It seems, by your re the outward voyages; and in the inward, nearly an equal only, and that 885 were from this port. I find that they port, that the whole of the foreign departures were 1,129 amount of American, and 20,000 only of foreign tonnage," and adds, that the trade acquired by it on the lakes, twenty-six, I think, from Liverpool; but they cleared fort were chiefly from the British North American colonies, &c., may more than balance for the loss by discrimination colonial port, intending to take the advantage of the circuitIndies. I really wish that the Secretary of the Treasury we are to have in this arrangement, 26 to 885, the sooner ous voyage. If this is any thing like a fair average of what had expounded this mysterious declaration. There is no we break up the concern the better. fact in the report, nor any where else, that I have seen, than three months before we could have it. made in favor of the North American colonies and the West coming near to this statement. The report makes the Still, sir, there is another view, which has not been lost In 1830, there were 14,267 tons engaged in foreign ton-ment to have on the commercial relations subsisting be departures, American, 102,772 tons; foreign, 103,883. sight of by the British, but which seemed entirely to have escaped Mr. McLane's notice. What effect is this arrangenage, outward. In 1831, 103,883-making a gain of foreign tonnage of 88,816. In 1830, the American tonnage,nions? It will be recollected that the convention excepts tween the United States and the British European domi departing, was the colonies from its provisions, and may now be terminated by either party giving the other twelve months' notice. 16,794 Suppose the convention to continue, what is there to pre And, in 1831, A falling off of 119,566 102,772 APRIL 9, 1832.] Appropriation Bill--Colonial Trade. [SENATE. vent Great Britain from so regulating the colonial trade same as before. Thus, cotton from Charleston to Liveras to get into her hands all the European trade? We have pool pays 5s. 10d. per hundred; and, going by the way agreed that the trade with the colonies, in native products, of St. John's, or Halifax, pays 4d.; making a difference shall be on equal terms, and that Great Britain may, more- of 5s. 6d. sterling, or about $1 27 for each hundred over, export from the United States, to her colonies, fo- pounds. This, in a cargo of a ship of 400 tons, would reign products, on the same terms. She is left perfectly free make a difference of 1,200 pounds sterling, or $5,222. to give as great facilities to the trade to the mother coun- That this trade had been actually begun previous to the try, through the colonies, as to the Southern, through the 30th September last, appears by the answer to the resoNorthern colonies. She, indeed, gave full notice of her lutions of 22d December last. A cargo of cotton, intention to do this also. In referring to our act of 29th 329,665 lbs. valued at $29,967, had been shipped, in May, 1830, which provides that the commercial intercourse foreign tonnage, to the British North American colonies; of the United States with all other ports of the British and the inference is irresistible that this is for reshipment possessions shall be left on a footing not less favorable to Great Britain, to avoid the alien duty. But, since that than it now is, "Lord Aberdeen declines any understand-time, this trade is settling into a regular channel. I hold ing on this point which shall, in the least, fetter Great in my hand a letter from a gentleman of the first respectaBritain in changing these relations, but that she be free to bility, dated at Lubec, Maine, 31st December last, which adopt, from time to time, such commercial regulations as she is free for the inspection of any Senator, an extract from may deem to be expedient for her own interest, consistent which I will give you: "A merchant from St. John's, with the obligations of existing treaties." He says, in ef- New Brunswick, passed through this place this week, on fect, Mr. McLane, if we can, we will, by discriminating in his way to Savannah, to which place he had ordered his favor of the European trade through the colonies, take ship, from Liverpool, (England,) for the purpose of loadthe whole of it, by our own tonnage, or give you the re- ing her with cotton, or Southern pine timber, and then quired notice, and rescind the convention, (leaving this to touch and warehouse her cargo at St. John's, and from arrangement in full force,) then burden the direct trade, thence proceed to England. He stated that a vessel was and carry on the whole through the colonies, and thus ex- then on her voyage, by the way of Halifax, the saving in clude you both ways. And, should she do it, what breach duties on whose cargo would amount to 5s. 6d. sterling per of faith would there be that would justify our violation of 100 lbs. on cotton, or to over 1,200 pounds sterling on the Mr. McLane's arrangement? He hall full notice at the whole." These are only examples, indicating what is to time, and made his agreement with his eyes open. be the general and pernicious effect of this arrangement And here, too, our facts will concur well with our rea- on the British and colonial commerce. Sir, the resolusoning. Great Britain established her warehousing sys- tions of inquiry have been very unsatisfactorily answered. tem in the colonies; repealed or diminished duties on the The manifest meaning of the first resolution was a call for principal articles of our products coming from the colo- an account of the cargo and tonnage of each vessel; the nies; and increased them in the direct route. Thus, our port from whence, and to what place; distinguishing bepot and pearl ashes, through Canada, are duty free; when tween the American and foreign tonnage. Instead of coming directly, they are taxed heavily. Flour, wheat, this, we have 92 pages, filled into an old blank, printed lumber, and cotton, are objects of peculiar favor through to contain our whole annual commercial returns; discrithe colonies. This last article, the important staple of minating between articles duty free and those paying ad our country, and which constitutes more than half of all valorem and specific duties; and containing whole pages, our freights to Great Britain, was, very soon, made a pe-headed and margined, and every column blank! You ask, culiar object of this discriminating policy. At the time of What articles were exported or imported? And you are Mr. McLane's arrangement, the duty on cotton, from fo- told that these articles, a long list of them, were not. reign countries, was an ad valorem of six per cent.; and The fourth resolution inquires, "What are the duties paid on cotton, coming from the colonies, 4d. per hundred. on British and American vessels, respectively, and their On the 23d of February, 1831, and immediately after opening the ports, under the arrangement, the duty on cotton, from foreign countries, is raised to of a penny per pound, leaving that on cotton from the colonies the Duty on colonial and foreign wheat and flour in England. AVERAGE PRICE. Colonial. Wheat, DUTY. Foreign. Wheat, per qr. Flour, bbl. per s. d. Flour, per bbí. 8. d. 668. and under 67s. 5 0 s. d. 3 1 678. 66 688. 06 0 4 4. 10 8 6 0 7 025187 cargoes, in British ports, in the West Indies and the other British American colonies, distinguishing between the West Indies and the other colonies, and between American and British vessels, and the produce of the United States and the colonies?" Now, what is the answer? "In respect to the fourth resolution, which has been referred to the Department of State for a report, I beg leave to remark, that no tonnage duty, and no discriminating duty on merchandise, is levied on American vessels or their cargoes, in the ports of Upper and Lower Canada." Sir, is this the way that your calls are to be treated by a mere Secretary? Or, did the President, on whom the call was made, justify the withholding the information required, and giving, instead, that which was not asked, and which was wholly useless? Of what use was it to the Senate to have a long enumerated list of articles which were neither imported nor exported; or a classification of articles paying duties or not? Or, was it supposed that we wished to know that no tonnage or discriminating duties were paid in the Canadian ports? Had not Mr. McLane, in his arrangement, provided against this? Sir, I wish I could publish this nondescript report as an ap pendix to my remarks. The American people would then see how easily an Executive may, if he will, circumvent the Senate. Lest the answer to the Senate's call should be what it turns out to be, I took the precaution to obtain some facts, from practical commercial men, of the Seventy pounds of wheat make one bushel, and eight actual state of this trade. I will begin with New Hampbushels one quarter. |shire; and here I owe an apology, perhaps, to the Senator [APRIL 9, 1832. from New Hampshire, [Mr. HILL.] I was, the other day, his basket of eggs, enjoying his quarter of a dollar, in gently rapped over the knuckles for invading his domi- imagination, just as you have been enjoying this "colonions, by asking advice of one of his constituents. I have nial trade." How far this diplomacy has been connected transgressed again. The letter is from Timothy Upham, with another question, or with ulterior objects, "demands of Portsmouth. But I trust there is no danger, in this a doubt." Attempts, it seems, are now to be made to case, that shall seduce him from his allegiance to that throw the blame of losing the Northeastern part of Maine Senator. The Senator, not long since, in discussing ano-on Messrs. Adams and Clay, two of the gentlemen who ther subject, admitted his State to be prosperous, but negotiated the treaty. Why the other gentleman, who was ascribed it to "the opening of the ports." I find, by associated with them, is exempted from the charge, may General Upham's letter, six American vessels had entered be conjectured. But how the negotiators at Ghent could from the Northern provinces, and one British; two Ame- there have settled a definite boundary, and marked the rican, from West Indies, Turk's Island, with salt; one line, or what they could have done, better than they did, American vessel had cleared for British West Indies, no one pretends to say. No whisper of complaint against Barbadoes, and one for the North American provinces; them for this provision in the treaty had ever been made and one British vessel had cleared for Halifax. Eight until after the "decision" of the "arbitrator.” “But if American vessels entered, and but two cleared, is won-the negotiators were not in fault, the late administration derful evidence of a profitable trade, and must account, were.' I have stated what was attempted to be done by conclusively, for the present prosperity of New Hampshire. the last administration, and what should have been done, When I left Maine, I understood that, from Portland, if we regarded the question more than the party. But (which has had as much of the West India trade as any now, it seems to be intimated that, in the selection of the port in New England, scarcely excepting Boston,) there arbitrator, was the great error. This, too, is an afterhad then been but one voyage to the British West Indies. thought, to screen this administration from responsibility. I have, from Providence, Rhode Island, an account of two The President, in his first annual message, thus speaks of or three voyages, I believe all to and from Turk's Island. the "arbitrator," whom his predecessor had selected: From New London, extract of a letter, 12th January,With full confidence in the justice of our cause, and 1832, from a gentleman entitled to the fullest reliance: the probity, intelligence, and uncompromising indepen"For the British American ports there have been no dence of the illustrious arbitrator, we can have nothing to clearances since 5th October, 1830, up to the present apprehend from the result." In his second annual mes. time. During the period above stated, there have been sage, he states that the delay, occasioned by recent events, but three entries from said ports, all American vessels, had been unavoidable; but that our minister at the court with cargoes of plaster, a particular statement of which of the distinguished arbitrator had been assured that it shall be furnished, if required." I sent to a friend in (the decision) "would be made within the time contemBoston for a particular state of the colonial trade with plated by the treaty." that port, but he was told at the custom-house that such In his last, we witness the "taking back," and endea a statement was just made out for the Treasury Depart- voring to cast all the blame upon his predecessor's admi ment, which would, undoubtedly, be transmitted to the nistration. "I found," said he, "arrangements made Senate. You see, however, that the report does not fur-for its settlement, over which I had no control;" "the nish us with the state of this trade with any single port in King of the Netherlands having, by the late President and the Union. It is particular of what no one wants to know, his Britannic Majesty, been designated, it became my duty and general where it should have been particular. But, to carry, with good faith, the agreement into full effect." inasmuch as the sacrifice had been made for the benefit Now, forsooth, this honest, intelligent, uncompromising, of a party, it was indispensable that the party should re-independent, and distinguished arbitrator was so palmed alize it.. As soon, therefore, as the news arrived, and upon us, that he, the President, could not help it, and was before any one knew word of the terms, it was hailed obliged, very reluctantly, to take him for better or worse. as a most propitious-a most glorious event! The Pre-If ever a people have been so grossly trifled with and sident, in a paroxysm of joy, announces it to Congress, humbugged in every thing, as we have been, they must with a sweeping culogy on Mr. McLane. "Although have been a very docile and credulous people. And so, the result is itself the best commentary" [Agreed.] "on this once illustrious, uncompromising, &c. having, in the the services rendered to his country by our minister at the plenitude of his honesty, intelligence, and independence, court of St. James, it would be doing violence to my feel- determined what was never submitted, and found that our ings were I to dismiss the subject without expressing the "highlands" must, by some convulsion in nature, have bevery high sense I entertain of the talent and exertion come the bed of a river, it is a matter "over which he has no which have been displayed by him on this occasion." All control," and must, he supposes, (unless the Senate check were delighted at this wonderful achievement, and more him,) "carry, with good faith, the agreement into full efso that it came just in season for the fall elections. Mr. fect." I hope not, sir. The Senate is not, if the PresiMcLane, on the wings of the wind, flew to Liverpool, dent is, afraid of responsibility. And if the Legislature to despatch the news of the long wished for, sought for, of Maine are ready to sell out, sure I am, sir, that her Sepetitioned for event. Lo! it comes--no matter what-nators here are not. the President, the Secretary of State, and the minister, all I have, then, sir, endeavored to give you an exposition glorified. Mr. McLane's complaints and remonstrances, of the prominent acts of diplomacy of this administration, after he had ascertained what a bargain he had made, confining myself chiefly to the colonial trade arrangement, were carefully suppressed, and never saw the light until recurring incidentally to other public acts, mostly to that within a few days. No matter; call it good-excellent-- of the Northeastern boundary. I think I have shown, but wonderful. And so they did. Every pensioned news- of that the Senate and the public will judge, that this ar paper in the Union chimed into the tune--glorious news! rangement gave to Great Britain what we would never be glorious news! The delusion was universal; people were fore consent to give: 66 made to extol, they knew not what. All were halluci- 1. A priority in the commencement of the trade. nated. A boy, as it is said, went to market, at a country 2. An equalization of duties between us and the colo village, with a dozen of eggs. Boy, what do you ask nies, the British expressly reserving the right to discrimi for your eggs?" "A quarter of a dollar, sir." "A quar-nate, ad libitum, in favor of the circuitous trade, which ter of a dollar! That is more than three times their value. they have done to an alarming extent. They are worth about eight cents." "The ports are 3. The same express reservation in regard to the Euroopen, sir; hurra for Jackson!" And off he strutted with ropean trade, authorized by the convention. APRIL 10, 11, 1832.] Appropriations.-Revolutionary Pensions. [SENATE. 4. A notice, by Great Britain, that the arrangement the Northwestern Territory, and in the Indian wars, after was no agreement, even by implication, that she was not the revolution"-to change the relation in regard to the European trade. Mr. WHITE moved further to amend the amendment 5. That, instead of securing a preference to our navi- by adding the following words: "And any other person gation, in any respect, it expressly, and in terms, concedes who was in service under the authority of the United to British navigation a preference, even in our own ports, States, against any tribe or nation of Indians, previous to and that, too, in direct violation of the law of Congress, the 1st of January, 1795." which was Mr. McLane's rule of action. 6. And that all this was effected by an humble subserviency, totally repugnant to the whole character of our diplomacy, and unworthy of a free, honorable, and highminded people. Mr. WHITE said he was unwilling that all the citizens of the Northwest should be included in the bill, to the exclusion of those of the Southwest. He feared that the Senate would get off from the true principle. If the object of pensioning 'is to provide for those who are dis 7. That the result of all this is to secure to Great Bri-abled, or who are in circumstances too indigent to permit tain the circuitous trade, colonial and European. And, finally, that, by all this, we have struck a blow to the navigation of this country, which may one day effect the destruction of our liberties. The time was, when no prospect of profit or fear of loss would induce us to surrender a jot or tittle of national honor. Now, men, in the scramble for power, seem to have lost sight of those high and exalted principles by which we had obtained our exaltation and our glory. Has the demon of party, favoritism, done all this. If the time has come, when a party, to retain its power, will call in aid a foreign nation, and surrender to it the rights of its country, the days of our freedom "are numbered and finished." them to provide for themselves, his amendment would not violate this principle. But if the Senate are to abandon this ground, it was but just that all sections of the country should share alike. If the amendment was just, (and he would not say that it was unjust,) he asked if the claims of those who had been engaged in service against the Indians in the Southwest were not as well entitled to the benefits of the bill as they who fought the Indians in the Northwest. After the peace with Great Britain, it was some time before the Indians who were engaged against us on the side of Great Britain were at peace. The amendment of the gentleman from Illinois includes all those who were engaged in this service in the Northwest. How was it in the Southwest? In that quarter the war continued as long. He cited the fact, that while the chiefs of the Creeks and Cherokees were engaged in making a treaty, the tribes themselves were engaged in hostile operations. the treaty of 1791 was well concluded, the war recommenced. In 1794, while negotiating a treaty in PhiladelMr. GRUNDY, from the Committee on the Post Office phia, the tribes represented at that negotiation were and Post Roads, reported the bill from the other House to carrying on war; and, when remonstrance was offered, establish certain post roads, and to discontinue others, with the reply was, that they could not control their young numerous amendments. Mr. G. having expressed a hope men. This state of things continued until the triumphs that the Senate would take up the bill at this time, the in the North, which were speedily followed by the subjuamendments were read through, occupying the whole of gation of the Southern tribes by the troops under Wheatly the hour for morning business. [The above remarks were delivered on the 9th, 10th, and 11th, but are embodied here.] TUESDAY, APRIL 10. APPROPRIATIONS. The Senate then resumed the consideration of the bill making appropriations for the support of Government during the year 1832. The Chair stated the question. The amendment allowing four thousand five hundred dollars for the return of the ministers from France and England, had been withdrawn by the chairman of the Committee on Finance, and the question was now upon the next amendment. The Senator from Maine was entitled to the floor. Mr. SMITH rose to address the Chair. Mr. HOLMES said, I believe I shall not permit the gentleman to interpose; and proceeded with his remarks (as B: given above) until the hour of adjournment. WEDNESDAY, APRIL 11. Before and Owen. The same principle, therefore, which justifies the pensioning of the Northwestern troops, requires that those of the Southwest should be put on the same footing. There ought to be no distinction. He did not see his way clear to vote for any of the provisions of the bill; but, if he did, he could not consent to do so without extending its benefits to his constituents. Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN expressed his apprehension that the bill, thus saddled down with amendments, might be destroyed, and that this amendment of the gentleman from Tennessee was offered in no spirit of friendship for the bill. It was impossible, too, to resist these amendments. No one pretended to doubt the meritorious services of the persons included in these amendments. But he had always understood that it was found necessary to adopt a principle of discrimination; and if no sufficient reason existed for this discrimination, the bill ought to be made still more extensive than it is. The gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. GRUNDY] had inquired the other day, why the bill stopped with the revolutionary war. Mr. FOOT moved that the Senate now proceed to the stopped there, because it was the termination of that war; consideration of the bill supplementary to the act for the because it was the revolution; and because they who relief of the surviving officers and soldiers of the army of fought to accomplish that glorious event, could not prothe revolution. He stated that he was yesterday appealed perly be classed with the men in 1795, who were fighting to by an old soldier, who begged to know if Congress was for a certain pay. The men of the revolution contended about to pass any bill for the relief of those who had per- for every thing that was dear to them-home, hearth, and formed revolutionary services. If not, he said, he hoped freedom. They fought for a Government; they fought they would pass a bill to hang all this class of men, and re- for their social rights; and they achieved every thing by lieve them from their misery at once. PENSIONS. The question being put on the motion of Mr. Foor, it "And officers and soldiers who served under Generals It their own toils and their own blood. The discrimination is as broad as daylight can make it, or as between any two classes of soldiers; the one fighting for a sure and daily consideration, and the other for Government and social intercourse. For whom has the bill made provision? For those who are emphatically "revolutionary pensioners." The militia had carried on everywhere a partisan |