783 SENATE.] no one. GALES & SEATON'S REGISTER. Senate. [APRIL 13, 1832. We strong case, and not a case where economy and retrench-to Belgium, on the recommendation of the President, unHe wishment were to be called into operation; for, whatever his less good reason could be shown to the contrary. He concluded with a was in a state of convulsion; and ministers were sent to views were on these points, he was not disposed to starve had sent ministers to South America while that country us while we were struggling for our freedom. any branch of the Government. passing eulogy on the individual nominated. On the discussion were desired, it was easy, at once, to go into Mr. FORSYTH said he did not know,from any information ed the matter to be, at once, put to rest; and if a fuil in his possession, that the mission was necessary. contrary, he might be rather led to a different conclusion. executive session, act upon the nomination, and then But he understood that other information had been re- return into legislative session, and pass or reject the apHe was for passing on the ceived, which would prove its necessity, and he should propriation. He was no anti-mason, but he was not wilHe expressed a hope that the Senate did therefore vote for the appropriation. He then corrected ling to have his mouth muzzled, and to be compelled to what he considered to be a mistake of the chairman of act under this ban of secrecy. He concluded with the Committee on Foreign Relations relative to the con- matter now. tingent fund. It had been applied for outfits, but impro- not mean to sit here through the dog days; and if they The contingent fund was for the expenses of did not, there would be no chance of reinstating the perly so. intercourse, in the shape of presents, officers on public appropriation, if once stricken out. He had days, servants of foreign ministers, postages, newspapers, an allusion to the twenty-two thousand five hundred dolThe as an item more deserving of reprobation than this item. the collection of information, stationery and books, and lars paid for a minister to England, who was worth nothing, Mr. WEBSTER made some brief remarks. expenses attendant on moving about with the court. fund is under the immediate control of the President; he decides on its application for himself, and is responsible to not understood the Senator from Kentucky as making He thought there was no precedent for this inexpe He has at times used this fund to pay outfits, any formal motion, and he hoped that he had not done The expenses of this mis-so. We had been called upon, in conjoint action when he had no other money. sion might as properly be paid out of this fund, as those dient mode of bringing the Belgian mission before the of the outfit to France. Mr. CLAY expressed pleasure to hear that the gentle- with the other House, to act on the same subject, in the He would have voted for this appropria man from South Carolina was ready to redeem his pledges; same manner, and involving the same principles. He felt but if he did so, he would assure that gentleman that he the same here as he would have felt had he been in the would find himself in a lean minority. There were two other House. ways of redeeming this pledge: one, by paring down ex- tion in the other House, and he should do so here. The isting expenses; and the other, by preventing new me- appropriation had been asked for by the Executive, and He knew not which of these he was willing to give it; and the giving it would have no effect on his vote when he should come to act on the thods of expenditure. nomination. He should not vote for the nomination anyhe modes the gentleman would select. Mr. HAYNE. Both. Mr. CLAY went on to express his embarrassment in the sooner because the expenses were provided for. And Were he at would not be called for, or required. He would not go touching this subject of the mission, in the peculiar po- if he voted against the nomination, the appropriation sition in which the Senate was placed. liberty, he could adduce reasons, perhaps, as strong, to into the question of the expediency of the mission; and show that this mission was unnecessary, as the gentleman he suggested whether it was a correct course for gentle from South Carolina might be able to bring forward to men to draw into a legislative discussion_matters exclus prove the contrary; and, perhaps, the weight of testimony sively belonging to the Executive branch. Was not the On that point he might venture to Senate, in fact, arguing the matter, as if the question was The might be with him. refer to the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Rela- now before them, whether they would advise and con tions. But he was not desirous to strike out an appropria- sent to the nomination? He did not see that, in passing y tion altogether. His object was to strike it out of this a law, the Senate could properly advert to matter which Each must, in that case, give their own e bill; and if the nomination should, on an examination of could not be used in case any difference between the two Th all the subject, be confirmed, it might be inserted in an- Houses, in reference to the bill, should render a confer vere other bill, and there would be no lack of opportunity, as ence necessary. the Senate would have enough of appropriation bills be- views, and act on them; and the question would be de The gentleman from South cided on the ordinary grounds. He agreed that provi fore the end of the session. Carolina referred to an individual who had acted unautho- sion ought to be made by law for the expenses of the He should, therefore, vote for this item in the bill. He doubted made. rizedly for us. There would be found at all places Ame- mission, if, by the co-ordinate branch, the appropriation was Mr. TAZEWELL expressed a different view, consider ricans ready to undertake these services. not that the King of Belgium, with a view to add to the pageantry of his court, had invited all nations to send ing that granting the appropriation created the offices Th The old House of Representatives doing what they had no right to B ministers. He was of opinion that it was too soon to send The whole difficulty, in his opinion, arose out of the los As to claims, he knew of none. Antwerp claims had been settled; and as to Belgium, do, by appropriating money for an office which had not But while the matter is f whether she is to be viewed as a part of France under yet been created-imagining that some such office was Napoleon, or of the Netherlands, there were no claims about to be created. If the Senate appoint the minister, le with which he was acquainted. He could not be pre- the appropriation must be made. vented, by the striking out of the appropriation, from cheer-in pendency, whether the mission shall be created or not, He put a case. Mr. C. said fully voting for the nomination, if he should hereafter be will the Senate create the mission by appropriation? of opinion that the mission was necessary. a few words, in conclusion, relative to the contingent fund, sustaining his views as before expressed. a minister. port asure extre Supposing that the House of Repre APRIL 14, 16, 1832.] Public Lands. [SENATE. He was now in that situation; and his only alternative He would not trouble himself with the details of error was to vote against any appropriation. Should the nomi- and injustice which this report contained. Massachunation be confirmed, he would assuredly vote for the ap-setts and Maine are placed on an equality with Virginia, propriation; but he could not so vote at this moment. Mr. EWING moved that the Senate now adjourn. Mr. POINDEXTER moved that when the Senate adjourns, it adjourn to meet on Monday. Mr. TAZEWELL expressed a hope that the Senate would meet to-morrow to go into executive business. Mr. WEBSTER expressed his willingness to go into this executive business. Mr. TAZEWELL said he meant into this executive business, and no other. Mr. MARCY said he should feel it his duty to move to take up other executive business. Mr. TAZEWELL said he should vote against any such motion. Mr. POINDEXTER then withdrew his motion. SATURDAY, APRIL 14. who had made such a generous cession of territory. Massachusetts had retained thirty thousand square miles, and, after giving a portion of these lands to Maine, had disposed of the rest at fifteen and twenty cents the acre. The whole of this report he characterized as proceeding on the principle of money-money--money. Money must be wrung from the soil, to prepare against the contingency of a new war. Instead of looking to money for this provision, regard should be had to population, to an increase of man-free man, as the best resource in such a contingency. He who most efficiently defends the country, was not the manufacturer, but the son of the man who tills the soil. The present proposition he viewed as one to take money from the hands of the people. The principle which pervaded it was that the revenue must be kept up, if the money were thrown into the Potomac. There was to be no reduction in the price of the soil, although originally it belonged to other owners, and not Nearly the whole of this day's sitting was spent in the withstanding a great portion is now returned by the re consideration of executive business. MONDAY, APRIL 16. Mr. CLAY from the Committee on Manufactures, to which the subject had been referred by the Senate, made a report in regard to the distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands, (for which see Appendix,) accompanied by a bill providing therefor. Mr. C. read the report through; after which, the bill was read the first time; and the question being on ordering it to a second reading, a ceivers as not worth more than five cents the acre. He referred the Senate to the mode in which the wild lands were disposed of in Europe, for the purposes of settlement and cultivation; and asserted that such was the practice in the new world. He adverted to the proclamation of the King of Persia, offering lands to settlers, and to the practice of the Roman republic in the division of the lands. The Senate, he suggested, should adopt the practice in the colony of Liberia, where every colored settler is allowed to draw for a town lot. He was friend to humanity, but he was not disposed to cherish the black, and sacrifice the white man. Because there Mr. BENTON said he was somewhat at a loss to know were found in the seven new States one hundred and what was the proper course to take, in this stage of the forty thousand persons borne on the tax list, who were bill. He must, however, take the opportunity to give not land owners, they are stigmatized as deficient in inthe reasons which would induce him to vote against the dustry. This he denounced as a wrong. The lands in second reading. The principles contained in the report the new States were not worth the price at which they were so strange and so mischievous that he could not are now held by the Government. Receivers had said forbear from making two or three observations upon that there were millions of acres not worth five cents an them. They were precisely the same as the principle in acre. Every thing was worth precisely what it would the report of the Secretary of the Treasury made five fetch. The story of speculators had been brought for. years ago, in which he recommended that no induce- ward again. The objection in this form came from the ment ought to be held out to persons to go to the new speculators themselves, from those who wanted to sell States. The reason given for this suggestion was, that if their land. The fact was, the money must be brought people were induced to emigrate to the new States, the from the new States, to be expended elsewhere. Every manufactures in the old States would not have persons to carry them on. He had thought that the abhorrence with which this proposition, which was aimed at the poor, was received in the portion of country with which he was acquainted, would, as he had supposed, have prevented any future attempt to revive this principle. by the size of the States. The object was to keep the poor from settling in the new He proposed to amend the motion for a second reading, States. The principle of both that report and the pre- by substituting a reference of the bill to the Committee sent was hostile to the new States, and hostile to the free-on Public Lands, with instructions to report a bill to reholders. But there was a new feature introduced into duce the price of public lands, &c. thing had been taxed in the West, and taken away to support the Federal Government. The principle of federal numbers had taken away every dollar from the South and West, and carried them to the Northeast. Instead of the federal numbers, the expenditure ought to be regulated this report. The new States were to be seduced into The CHAIR decided that this motion would not be in the measure by the offer of a slice from their own ter-order until after the second reading. ritory. He had heard an instance in which, after the Mr. BENTON expressed a hope that the bill would nehorrors of shipwreck, when the survivors were reduced ver reach a second reading. He wished to know if a moto the extremity of feeding on each other, one man, who tion to reject the bill would be necessary. was to be the next victim, in a fit of desperate agony, begged to be indulged with a slice from himself. So it appeared, the new States were to be regaled with a slice of themselves, and then torn limb from limb. He suggested that this was precisely the principle which actuated the Northern Powers of Europe in their partition of Poland. It was a principle, however, confined to the Northern Powers. The Southern nations had no participation in it; while each of the others was bribed by a share of the spoil. VOL. VIII.-50 The CHAIR replied in the negative. Mr. SMITH said he had waived his motion to take up the appropriation bill, in a spirit of comity, not expecting this prolonged debate. He would now move to lay the report and bill on the table. The yeas and nays being desired and u dered, the question was put, and decided as follows: YEAS.-Messrs. Benton, Bibb, Buckner, Dallas, Forsyth, Grundy, Hayne, Hendricks, Hill, Kane, King, Mangum, Marcy, Miller, Moore, Poindexter, kobinson, SENATE.] Public Lands. [APRIL 16, 1832. Smith, Tazewell, Tyler, Troup, Tipton, White, Wil- the people. He wished the report to be in the hands of liams.-24. NAYS.-Messrs. Bell, Chambers, Clay, Clayton, Dick- So the report and bill were laid on the table. Mr. ROBINSON expressed his hope that there would be no additional number printed, until an answer should be prepared by the Committee on Public Lands. He would then be willing to vote for as large a number as any gentleman. Mr. SMITH moved to lay the motion to print on the table. Mr. CLAY called for the yeas and nays; which were ordered. all. The Senator from Illinois considers the arguments as addressed to all the interests of the old States, and, therefore, that it ought not to go forth without an antidote. All should see it. What had been the course of the Senate in reference to other documents? When the report of the Free Trade Convention was to be printed, was there any objection? Had any suggestion been made that it ought to be withheld until the report on the other side should be prepared? All voted for it; and it went out to the world weeks before the other was printed. Let the same course be pursued as to this report, and, whenever the response should be made, he would vote for the printing of as large a number of that document. Both the documents would then be before the people, and they would form their own judgment. Mr. RUGGLES said a few words in favor of printing an extra number, and he would vote for an equal number of the answer whenever it should be before the Senate, It was due to the committee that this course should be taken. He wished the people of Ohio to see the light-Mr. WEBSTER expressed a hope that the largest num- to see the reports of the Senate, and not that they should be ber would be printed. He assured gentlemen that he would smothered here. The question was then put, and decided as follows-yeas 4, nays 40. vote precisely as many of any answer which might be made Mr. CLAYTON spoke in favor of printing the extra to the report from any other committee. It was too vo-number, without waiting for an answer to the report. luminous a report to be generally printed in the news- Who was to make this answer? There was no proposi papers; and it would be very interesting to the whole country. Before Congress could act upon it, it would be necessary that its contents should be well examined; and he could see no good reason for delaying this report until any other might be made. tion of a minority of the committee; there was none on the part of the Committee on Public Lands. How long was the Senate to wait for this reply? It had been said that the report would produce a great excitement in the new States. Was there no excitement, now, in any of the other Mr. POINDEXTER asked for a division of the ques- States, on the subject of these public lands? This subtion, and that the question be first taken simply on the ject had caused excitement in the old as well as the new printing, as, while he was disposed to print the report for States; for the former felt as deep an interest in the mat the use of the Senate, he wished to vote against the extra ter as the other. Rejecting this vote by the Senate would number. It was a report which would be productive of produce as great an excitement in the old States, as great excitement in the new States; and, therefore, he printing the report could produce in the new. Mr. C. did not wish to send abroad a large number, unless accom-made some reference to the course of Senators in the case panied by an antidote. Believing that the report cannot of the report on iron. be adopted, striking as it did at the root of sovereignty [This reference produced counter statements from Mr. in the new States, he could not consent to circulate the HAYNE and Mr. KING, and was supported by Mr. poison. DICKERSON.] Mr. MILLER stated that he had been a member of the Mr. KING stated the proposition to be merely to lay Committee on Manufactures; and, although he entirely this report on the table, until it could be examined. It concurred in so much of it as related to the reduction of was thought, by many, to contain dangerous doctrines, price and the cession of the lands, and the whole of the and to assume false principles, and that it ought not to be report, until it came to the proposition relative to the di-printed. On reflection, it was not impossible that the vision of the proceeds, he could not agree in the conclu- Senator from Kentucky might, himself, revise his views, sion of the report. In the justice of the general views, and correct them. He did not wish to see such opinions and the strength of the reasoning, he entirely agreed, and emanating from such high authority, and going forth to he was in favor of printing an extra number. the people with the weight of that gentleman's name. Mr. KANE said a few words in opposition to the motion to print an extra number of a report which was addressed to the interests of all the old States, against those of the new ones. them. Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN regarded it as important that the principles contained in this report should be laid be fore the people. If excitement was feared, it was much more likely to take place in consequence of a suppression Mr. CLAY said that he had no intention, at this time, of the report, than of its circulation. Surely, gentlemen to vindicate the reasoning in the report. Whenever the were not afraid of the reasoning. The subject had been proper time should arrive, he should be prepared to de- referred to the Committee on Manufactures, against the fend all its positions, and, he hoped, completely to defend wish of that committee; every member of which had proIt had been his intention, after the bill should have tested against the reference. The report had been unanihad its second reading, to postpone its further considera-mously adopted, although the committee was composed tion until time had been given for reflection and exami- of gentlemen of different views. Even the Senator from if nation. Then, whenever the bill should be in committee, South Carolina acquiesced. People would suppose, he would have given an explanation of the views of the the Senate refused to let it be seen, that there was someCommittee on Manufactures. thing in the report which could not be answered. The The question, as now proposed, is, if an extra number Senate had heard it read. Was the principle now to be shall be printed. This had been objected to, because it adopted that nothing should be printed until it had been was said the report might produce an excitement in the examined? West. Whether the motion prevail or not, the report would enable them to hear the wrong, as well as the right The virtue and intelligence of the people would get abroad. He hoped there was no disposition to side. This report was marked by great ability, and he prevent it from being seen. And there was much more hoped that the extra number would be printed, and that danger of excitement if the reasoning and facts were only the same number of the answer would be printed, whenpartially disclosed, than if the whole were fairly before ever it should be made. PRIL 16, 1832.] Public Lands. [SENATE. cession to those who thought differently from them on the subject of the tariff. Mr. KANE disclaimed any desire to impeach the abity of the report. It was to the printing of an additional umber of a document addressed to the individual inte- Mr. WHITE expressed sorrow that a motion had been ests of individual States that he objected. A counter made, at this time, to print an extra number. He would eport might come from a minority, or it might be refer- vote for the ordinary number now, and the extra number ed to the Committee on Public Lands for a report. It when sufficient time had been allowed for an answer to was a new and important project, involving points of deep be prepared. He said he was not afraid to trust the peonterest, and the printing of so large a number would ple with any subject. He did not concur in some of the ndicate a feeling favorable to the views which the report contained. Mr. EWING replied to the suggestion of the Senator from Alabama, reminding him that this question had been Forced on the committee; and another Senator had suggested that the committee would be afraid to incur the esponsibility of making such a report. He hoped the extra number would be printed. Mr. ROBINSON said the committee had reported on the other branch, and had not asked for extra copies; and now they had reported on the other branch, they desired this additional circulation. The subject had been sent to this committee, not in reliance on their friendship, but because it was the only subject, connected with the revenue, remaining to be acted on. He disclaimed having said any Senator would be afraid of responsibility. He had merely put the idea in the form of an interrogatory. views of the report, but he might be mistaken. He adverted to some movements on that subject in the Legislatures of Maryland and Massachusetts, to which he desired to refer before he gave any final opinion. Mr. POINDEXTER stated that when he made his former observations, he had not looked into the report, nor heard it read. On a little examination, he was led to suppose that he had done injustice to the Senator from Kentucky. He would examine further, and if he continued of this opinion, he should go with the report. He then withdrew the call for a division of the question. The call was then renewed. Mr. CLAY took a view of the votes of the Senators, to show that a majority of the new States was in favor of the motion. He was glad to hear the Senator from Tennessee say he was not afraid to trust the people with any subject, if he was sincere in the declaration. The opposition to this Mr, HOLMES thought the subject should be referred motion seemed to him to arise out of the circumstance that to the American people. He had been, originally, op- this was the first report which had been made on this side posed to its reference to the Committee on Manufactures. of the question. Appeals on the other side had been It was referred by a small majority, and the committee made, session after session, but this was the first time that had reported a very able and elaborate view of the sub- an attempt had been made to show the other side to the ject. It was strange that the printing should be opposed. people. A subject of more deep importance had never A reference of a subject was made to a committee. been presented to the Senate, and all that was asked was They had examined it with much labor, and their report to avoid any suppression of light, and print extra copies, had been read. The question now is, if the report on a and a pledge was given to vote for as many of the opposite subject referred with so much solemnity should be printed. argument whenever it might be produced. The gentleHe thought it a singular course to oppose such a motion. man from South Carolina had pursued a very liberal Mr. BUCKNER considered it important to the people course throughout, and had no intention (as he believed) of the West that this report should be printed; and he to make any counter report. The Committee on Manuwould be willing that ten thousand copies should be cir- factures had not been kindly treated. They had not wishculated. It had been said that the circulation of the re-ed to meddle with the subject, and earnestly resisted its port would produce a great excitement, and enable men reference. The subject was, however, referred to them, to prejudge the question. The printing of a few would without any direction to take up the whole matter in a have the same effect. He was willing to give the people single report, or a single bill. They did take up the all possible light. Did the Senator intend to do a work, subject, and examined each branch according to its naand put it under a carpet; or to do it, and put it on the ture. A report on the duties on unprotected articles had tree tops? He was not prepared to say that he should adopt been made, and now a report on the public lands was the principles of the report. He was willing to receive made. As to the remaining branch, he thought it premaexpressions of the popular opinion. He was not prepared to say that the people of the West would not adopt these principles. He believed they would be content with 20 And if they were then put on an equal footing with the other States, he was not prepared to say they would not be satisfied. The Committee on Manufactures had not sought this matter. It was pressed on them; and now that they have made their report, it is said that the people are not to see it-not to be contaminated with it. If the report was so odious, who would suffer? If it was such a heresy as would bring down the indignation of the West on its author, he had hardly supposed that they who opposed the printing would have been so anxious to save that individual from destruction. He did not think he should vote for the bill, but he would vote for printing extra copies of the report. per cent. ture to say any thing. He had made up his own mind to do every thing which could be done to tranquillize the feelings and meet the wishes of gentlemen, without, in any way, impairing the efficiency of the protective system. Mr. WHITE replied warmly to the supposed imputation cast on the sincerity of his professions. Mr. CLAY refused any explanation to the Senator, but to the Senate disclaimed any such intention. Mr. WHITE said a few words in reply. Mr. JOHNSTON expressed a hope that the question of colonizing the people of color would never be entertained on the floor of the Senate, unless at the united desire of the slaveholding States themselves. If ever such desire should be expressed, he would willingly go into the subject. He believed that colonization would be for the benefit of those States, and that this would be the proper fund to Mr. MILLER was of opinion that the proposition ought apply to such objects, but he would not now consent that to be adopted. The report was one of the most enlighten- the subject should be touched. He stated that the lands ed documents which had been presented to this assembly. in the vicinity of the sugar lands were of great value, and All its details, its statistics, and its arguments, were deep- increasing in value. He was in favor of adhering to the ly interesting, until the report came to those speculative present land system, of dividing the proceeds, and giving conclusions in which he could not concur. The commit- to the new States a preference to the value of 15 or 20 per tee had previously made a report on one branch, in the cent.; but he was not willing to appropriate the money to form of the syllabub bill before the Senate. Now there the purposes of colonization. was another report; and he saw some indications of a dis- On the call of Mr. MANGUM, the yeas and nays were position, on the part of the committee, to make some con-ordered. SENATE.] Vaccination.--Appropriation Bill.—Agents for Claims. [APRIL 17, 1832. After a few words from Mr. BIBB against the motion Britain, a large mass of claims, growing out of those mea for an extra number, the question was taken first on the sures, had accumulated, which were so numerous as to motion to print, when it was carried unanimously--render it impossible for our ministers to attend to them. yeas 45. In order to aid the ministers, either during the administra Mr. MARCY then moved to print 1,500 extra copies. tion of Mr. Jefferson, or at an early period in Mr. MadiMr. CHAMBERS reminded the Senate that a greater number than 5,000 of documents of less value had been printed. He referred to the report on Executive patronage, of which 6,000 extra copies were printed. The question was then put on the printing of 5,000 copies, and decided as follows: YEAS.--Messrs. Bell, Buckner, Chambers, Clay, Clayton, Dickerson, Dudley, Ewing, Poot, Frelinghuysen, Holmes, Johnston, Knight, Miller, Poindexter, Prentiss, Robbins, Ruggles, Seymour, Silsbee, Sprague, Tomlinson, Tyler, Waggaman, Webster, Wilkins.-26. NAYS.--Messrs. Benton, Bibb, Dallas, Forsyth, Grundy, Hayne, Hendricks, Hill, Kane, King, Mangum, Marcy, Moore, Robinson, Smith, Tazewell, Tipton, Troup, White.--19. So the motion was carried in the affirmative. TUESDAY, APRIL 17. ple, while a small appropriation was denied to his district son's administration, these agencies sprang up. He be lieved that they were appointments unauthorized by any particular law, and had never been submitted for the concurrence of the Senate. As to England, we have no claims on her since the treaty of Ghent; none to the settlement of which the minister is not fully competent. Our claims on England were cancelled by that treaty. There had been some necessity for the continuance of the agent in Paris until Mr. Rives concluded the recent treaty with that nation, which has extinguished the whole. This has so reduced the business, that our minister in Paris can easily attend to all the claims which may arise, without interfering with his ordinary business. It seemed to him, therefore, that the appropriation was useless. Should the Senate concur in this view, some gentleman might move to strike out the clause. He was not certain that these agencies were not given to our consuls in these cities, who were both worthy men. If this had appeared in the esti mates, he would have been satisfied. He thought, however, that the true course would be to allow salaries to The Senate then proceeded to take up the bill to ex- these consuls, and not to give them these agencies. tend the benefits of vaccination to the Indians. Mr. SMITH replied that this subject had not escaped The question being on the third reading, the notice of the committee. Mr. BUCKNER made a few remarks in opposition to that the consul in Paris was possessed of all the papers On inquiry, it was found the bill. He expressed himself entirely averse to conferring benefits on those who had done so much injury to be withdrawn, the agency would no longer be of any use. relating to the agency; and that, whenever these should our own citizens: who were our natural enemy, and so He believed it to be the fact that there was no law ap frequently distinguished themselves by the ferocity with pointing these agents. The consul in London was highly which they warred against us--who had marked their respectable, and had lost an arm in the United States course by fire and desolation; who had committed the service. London was an expensive place to live in. There most wanton cruelties, and had so frequently snatched the was but little direct trade to that port, only a very few infant from the nipple of its mother, and dashed its brains vessels, and but little emolument fell to him as merely out against a tree. He did not wish to cherish these peo-consul. This country had no claims on England, but she to erect a hospital for the river-faring man, whose life was of American seamen. ought to have some agent residing there for the protection frequently sacrificed for want of a little timely care and their crews discharged; or seamen deserted, and generally Ships were frequently sold, and kindness; when even money could not be obtained to found their way to London; and a consul was necessary to drain the swamps whose deleterious effluvia imposed an almost insurmountable barrier to internal improvement. Another ground of his opposition to the bill was, that it consul in Paris he knew to be a good man; and if any Mr. CLAY said he had merely stated the case. The adds to Executive patronage. Who would gain the benefits of the bill? The superstitious notions of the Indian thing extra was to be given, he would wish to give it to would prevent him from receiving them. Experience of consul held the papers, it was probable that they were Yet there was no utility in this agency. If the a mortal nature had already told them that death is the alvery few. Mr. C. stated that while he was Secretary of most inevitable consequence of plunging into cold water while under the influence of fever; yet it is impossible to He had thought to suggest a discontinuance of the office; State, there was scarcely any correspondence with him. prevent them from pursuing this course. If the law were to pass, another would have to be made for the rising advisable to refrain. The agency to London is not of the but, as a negotiation was pending, he thought it more generation. He wished to examine the subject, and to least value. It was the duty of the consul to look to the see if the money given by this bill would not go into the Protect and send them home. him. He then stated how these serhands of those who, while pretending to be the friends Protection of the seamen. of the Government, were in fact greater friends to the vices were rendered, and how the consul was recompensed. wealth which they calculated to acquire by this scheme. of these agencies. There was one in Madrid, which had Mr. FORSYTH stated that originally there were three He moved to lay the bill on the table, and the motion was been dropped some years since. The agency in London decided in the affirmative. Mr. CLAY rose, and, without making any specific motion, called the attention of the Senate to the clause in the bill making appropriations for two agents for claims, residing in London and Paris. Both these agencies were was useless, but the fees of the consul were so inconsider mere sinecures. As well as his recollection would serve, On motion of Mr. FORSYTHI, the appropriation of although he did not pretend to perfect accuracy, they $1,400 to pay a clerk in the Treasury Department for reoriginated in this manner. During the operation of the cording revolutionary land scrip, was reduced to $1,150— decrees of Bonaparte, and the orders in council of Great|yeas 18, nays 13. |