reckoned among the subjects which are not susceptible of a formal definition. Wrong is the violation of right; but the latter is exclusive, and sufficient to set aside every supposeable claim or pretension to the same subject. The law of defence arises out of this; and it may originate in occupancy, labour, contract, obligation, convention, forfeiture, &c. Rights then, here treated under the different titles of personal and real, of original and adventitious, are to be defended or maintained in a variety of different ways, so far as nations are concerned; such as, persuasion, deception; or misinformation and force. Single persons, also, have a right to protect and defend life, limb, and faculty; and law is a general arbiter to which fellow-citizens necessarily refer their disputes. Under the head of "Politics," the Doctor next treats of society and government, or national establishments, in reference to the good and evil of which they are susceptible, or the comparative advantages in respect to which they are unequal. The people are considered as the object for whose sake the society is instituted, and for which it ought to be preserved; as well as the means by which the society is so formed and preserved. In the first point of view, the celebrated maxim of "Salus populi, suprema lex esto," is the fundamental principle of political science. "If the people be happy, we have no title to inquire to what other purpose they serve; for this itself is the purpose of all human establishments." "There is a meaning annexed to liberty," we are told, "which is highly interesting to every ingenuous mind. Its votaries are supposed to have a common cause with their fellow creatures; and ever occupy a distinguished rank in the list of heroes. It is thus that Pelopidas and Thrasybulus, Dion, Cato, and Brutus, rose above the level even of eminent men. It inspires magnanimity and nobleness of mind; at the same time, like every other object that greatly concerns mankind, certain misapprehensions of it, or false pretensions to it, give occasion to great abuse. The zealot for liberty has run into the wildest disorders; and adventurers, under pretence of promoting it, have found their way to the most violent and pernicious usurpations. To this we ascribe the tribunitian power, and the usurpations of Cæsar and Cromwell." Our author very justly observes, that liberty, or freedom, is not, as the origin of the name may seem to imply, an exemption from all restraint; but, rather, the most effectual application of every just restraint to all the members of a free state, whether they be magistrates or subjects. It is under a just restraint only that every person is safe, and cannot be invaded, either in the freedom of his person, his property, or innocent action. Liberty is here defined, "the operation of a just government, and the exemption from injury of any sort, rather than merely an exemption from restraint." Security is the essence of freedom, and freedom the genuine fruit of political establishments. But, although all men have an equal right to defend themselves; yet all men have not equal things to defend. Distinctions of rank, for the most part, are taken from birth or property; and we may censure the rule, but cannot reverse it. Wealth is at least the symptom of national felicity, but it may be productive of prodigality, licentiousness, and brutality; and, in this case, it becomes a symptom of misery, as it actually was in ancient Rome. In free states, men are seldom of one mind on any subject whatever; hence conversation assumes the form of debate or controversy: "and it is in this form that they (the citizens of a free state), are most likely to receive from one another mutual instruction and improvement of thought. The freedom of conversation, therefore, whether relating to matters of public deliberation, or private concern, is at once a symptom of just, as well as vigorous government." "The felicity of nations," we are told towards the conclusion, "is proportioned to the degree in which every citizen is safe, and is most perfect where every ingenuous or innocent effort of the human mind is encouraged; where government devolves on the wise; and where the inoffensive, though weak, is secure. In societies that approach the nearest to, or recede the farthest from this description, the individual may in his own part be either wretched or happy. Clodius was a wretch in the abuse of a freedom he took up in the midst of disorder and faction; and Helvidius or Thrasea was happy, though under a tyranny by which their country was oppressed. Every one, indeed, is answerable only for himself; and in preserving the integrity of one citizen, does what is required of him for the happiness of the whole." No. XI. GEORGE HARDINGE, ESQ. FIRST JUSTICE OF THE COUNTIES OF BRECON, GLAMORGAN, AND RADNOR; ATTORNEY-GENERAL TO THE QUEEN; AND VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE PHILANTHROPIC SOCIETY. THE Hardinges are descended from an ancient family, long seated at King's Newton, a small hamlet in the parish of Melbourne, in Derbyshire. Their residence is now in possession of Lord Melbourne.* Sir Robert Hardinge, born in 1700, appears to have taken part with the King during the civil wars; and was knighted by Charles I. Nicholas, his grandson, the father of the subject of the present article, was born in 1700, and educated at Eton, whence he removed to King's College, Cambridge, where he obtained a Fellowship, and took the degree of M. A. His fame for learning was singularly great, both at school and the university; his powers for composition, in respect to Latin verse too, were very conspicuoust: in his political principles, he appears to have been a Whig. *Litery Anec. vol. v. p. 338. + His Latin poems have been published: he was also author of many English ones, particularly the " Denhilliad," occasioned by Sir George Oxendon's hounds running through Lady Gray's garden at Denhill, in East Kent in 1747; which was printed in the "Select Collection," 1780. He was also the first who gave the true reading to a remarkable passage in one of Horace's Odes, which obtained the approbation of that stern critic Dr. Bentley himself. So high indeed was his reputation, that an appeal was made to him of a most singular nature, when Clerk of the House of Commons, by the two greatest orators of that day. Sir Robert Walpole in one of his speeches happened to misquote the following passage of Horace : "Hic murus aheneus esto Nil conscire sibi, nulla pallescere culpa." His error consisted in his alteration of the three last words to "nulli pallescere culpæ." On this Pulteney, an Etonian, asserted, that "the Minister's Latin was as bad as his politics!" Sir Robert, who was a Westminster man, persevered; and a guinea being the Mr. Nicholas Hardinge was intended for, and actually called to the Bar; but as he enjoyed the patronage of Sir Robert Walpole, other views soon opened the prospect of a readier road to fortune. The office of Chief Clerk of the House of Commons happening to be vacant in 1731, he obtained that valuable appointment, which he held until February 1747-8, when he disposed of it in favour of Mr. Dyson, for the very incompetent sum of 6000l. It has since produced 2 or 300,000, to that gentleman, and his successor, Mr. Hatsell, the present possessor; on whose demise the fees are to be regulated and appropriated. In December, 1738, he married Jane, fifth daughter of Sir John Pratt, of Wilderness in Kent, Chief Justice of the King's Bench, and sister to the first Lord Camden, by whom he had nine sons and three daughters. On the resignation of his office, Mr. Hardinge became M. P. for Eye in Suffolk; but he appears to have been a poet rather than an orator. In 1752, he was appointed Joint-Secretary of the Treasury; and as he was also Attorney-General to William, Duke of Cumberland, and Auditor to the Princess Amelia, he must have been very rich at the period of his death, which occurred April 9, 1758. It ought to be recorded as a proof of the taste of this gentleman, that he was a great admirer of Milton. When the fame of that celebrated man was basely attacked, in consequence of the forgeries of Lauder, Mr. Hall, Fellow of King's College, Cambridge, addressed a sonnet to him, commencing with the four following lines: Hardinge! firm advocate of Milton's fame! And brand him living with a felon's name! amount of a wager laid on this occasion, was adjudged to the former by Mr. Hardinge, who boldly and honourably decided against his own patron. This piece of money, on the demise of the victor (afterwards created Earl of Bath) was found carefully wrapped up in a piece of white paper. |