No. XIII.

MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF JOHN COURTENAY, Esq.

FORMERLY M. P. FOR THE BOROUGHS OF TAMWORTH AND APPLEBY, SECRETARY TO THE MASTER GENERAL OF THE ORDNANCE, A LORD OF THE TREASURY, &c. &c.

THIS gentleman was a native of Ireland, in which country he was born, about the year 1741. Although he had received a good education, was a man of letters, and kept the best company here, it was not very difficult, in consequence of his pronunciation, to discover the place of his birth; which appeared evident indeed, at the very first interview to the writer of this article.

The noble English family of Courtenay, once possessed immense estates in Ireland, most, if not all of which, have been lately disposed of. The ancestors of this gentleman are said to have constituted a junior branch; and they were doubtless, induced by the consideration of either possessing, or the hope of obtaining, some property there also, to settle in the sister Kingdom.*

Being gay, young, volatile, and borrowing all his ideas from a nation confessedly of a warlike disposition and character, the army became the subject both of his early choice, and his ambition. Another direction, however, was soon given to his talents, in consequence of his acquaintance with a nobleman, whose patronage not only conferred a brighter colour on his hopes, but gave a different impulse to his views.

Whatever accident† might have made Mr. Courtenay known

* Mr. Courtenay is said to have been nephew by his mother's side to the late Earl of Bute.

+ I have been lately assured by one of Mr. Courtenay's friends, that he first made himself known to Earl Townshend, by an anonymous defence of that nobleman, in his Vice-regal capacity. Lord T. who was at first very unpopular in Ireland, was so pleased with this instance of voluntary zeal, that he found out the author, and deemed it politic to attach him to his interest.-ED.

to the first Marquis Townshend, there can be no doubt, but that his good humour, his facetiousness, his convivial talents, and his kindred taste for poetry, not only for a while fascinated, but during many years actually fixed the friendship of that nobleman.

This witty, singular, and accomplished person, then George Viscount Townshend, was nominated Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in 1767; and held that office until 1772, when he was succeeded by Simon, Earl of Harcourt. During this period, Mr. Courtenay, from being first only a visitor, soon became a constant guest, and finally, a resident at the Castle. He formed an essential ingredient at all the entertainments, and in all the convivial parties of this nobleman, who was hospitable even to profusion; and after being exceedingly hated at first, at length became a great favourite with the Irish nation. During his administration, our young officer held an official situation under His Excellency, and on his return, either accompanied, or followed him to England.

Lord Townshend had not only been bred a military man, but distinguished himself for his talents as an officer, during that memorable war in America, which added Canada to the British possessions on that Continent; he was also present at that battle which gave to our army the possession of Quebec ; and although at the commencement of the action, he was but third in command; yet, towards its conclusion, in consequence of the death of Wolfe, and the wound received by Monckton, he found all the British forces committed to his charge.

To this nobleman, soon after his recall from Ireland, the important office of Master-General of the Ordnance was committed; and on this occasion he did not forget his friend and faithful adherent, Captain Courtenay, who was immediately appointed his official secretary. Not content with this, means of a peculiar nature were recurred to for bringing him into the English House of Commons. He was accordingly nominated to represent the borough of Tamworth, in the fifteenth Parliament of Great Britain, which assembled on October 1, 1780: his colleague was Mr. Chamier, Deputy Secretary at War. He

was re-chosen three years after, on an occasion that could not but be particularly agreeable; for at that period, he was made Surveyor of the Ordnance, a post of some consideration; on which, a new writ was issued April 23d. In the sixteenth and seventeenth Parliaments (1784 and 1790), of Great Britain, we find him sitting for the same place, in conjunction, first with Mr. Calvert, Secretary to the Lord Chamberlain; and next with Mr., now Sir Robert Peele, Baronet, then, as at present, a celebrated manufacturer, and father to the Irish secretary.

After this, he appears to have been differently situated, being elected for another borough, one, indeed, more congenial to his feelings: for, at the general election in 1797, he was appointed a burgess for Appleby, in conjunction with the Honourable John Tufton, brother to the Earl of Thanet, whose family is supposed to have some influence there. In the first Imperial Parliament *, he was returned in conjunction with Mr. Adair, afterwards Minister at Constantinople; and in the secondt, and third, he had Sir Philip Francis, K. B. for his colleague.

We shall now endeavour to convey some idea of his conduct as a Senator. At the period in which he first appeared in this capacity, we were engaged in a war, which appears neither in respect to brilliancy or success, to have resembled the late one. Our contest with America soon exhibited a hopeless and a forlorn aspect; and when France and Spain joined in the struggle against us, the further continuance of hostilities appeared to be impolitic in the extreme. Yet, part of the nation, and the Ministers in particular, deemed this a notable opportunity for renewing our exertions, and expending more blood and treasure!

Themember for Tamworth, who had recently become a placeman, was of course expected to vote with administration; but we shall see, that instead of implicitly committing himself, he in a bold and manly manner, explicitly avowed his enmity to the original measures of the very ministers under whom he served;

* Met February 2, 1801.

+ Nov. 2, 1803.

Dec. 10, 1806.

while he at the same time thought that the honour of his country demanded still further sacrifices, in order, if possible, to humble our ancient enemies.

On rising immediately after his countryman, Mr. Burke, he expressed his fear, that all he could say, in respect to one point, had been anticipated by that celebrated orator; and that in respect to another, who spoke early in the debate (Mr. William Pitt), he was at once charmed and affected by his singular eloquence.

"His splendid diction, his manly elocution, his brilliant periods, his pointed logic, conveyed in torrents of rapid and impressive eloquence, brought strongly to his recollection that accomplished and exalted statesman, whose memory will prove for ever dear to his applauding country. The honourable gentleman was in possession of a pre-eminence resulting from his own superior abilities. Yet still the name of his exalted father bedecked what did not stand in need of ornament, and covered him with a redoubled lustre.

"At this disastrous moment the House of Commons was called upon, by the proposed address, to support the just and necessary war in which we were engaged, against the united force of France and Spain, and against America as their ally. It was a war of necessity, of cruel and dire necessity, on which principle alone he would attempt to justify it. If there was a hope, a gleam of hope, that by acknowledging the independence of America, she could be detached from France, it would demand the serious attention of the House whether such terms should not be granted. Though the endearing and heart-felt names of colonies and mother-country should no longer exist, yet great commercial, great national advantages would be derived from an union between people naturally connected by the same language, manners, and religion, and both inspired by the same ardent spirit of liberty; great and essential benefits might be mutually received by both countries, cemented by a federal union; and Britain, on such a liberal and enlarged system of policy, might again become a powerful and pros

perous nation, the envy of Europe, and the admiration of the world!"

Mr. Courtenay next observed, "that much had been said on the American war, and that he was ever ready to avow his sentiments on that subject; he had always thought the war neither wise, politic, nor expedient: on every occasion, when that war had become the subject of conversation, he had very freely, perhaps sometimes indiscreetly, declared his opinion, insignificant as it was; yet still the sentiments of the meanest individual, in a free country, on a great, interesting, constitutional, question, were of some consequence. On the first day when he had the honour of speaking in that House he expressed the same sentiments, and to these he always should adhere. He had voted for the address on the explanation of ministers who had risen in their places, explicitly declaring that the House was not pledged, nor meant to be drawn in by the words of that address, (which to some gentlemen seemed so very exceptionable,) to carry on the war, for the declared purpose of subjugating America, but on general terms to prosecute that just and necessary war in which we were engaged, in the most effectual manner, for the safety and honour of Great Britain, and the protection of His Majesty's dominions."

Mr. Courtenay added, "that he disapproved of the voice of despondence; that he trusted there was an elasticity in a British mind which would always rise in proportion to the pressure of calamity; but that he was surprised and mortified to hear a noble Lord (Mulgrave) of the Admiralty assert, as an apology for the acknowledged inferiority of the British fleet, at this awful moment, that France, from her great resources, was enabled to maintain a superior fleet; and that in the reigns of King William and Queen Anne, she actually was then also, in the enjoyment of this important superiority.

"If there was truth in his voice it sounded the funeral knell of Britain, and might well appal the ears of the people. But he was happy to perceive that the assertion was not founded upon indisputable authority; that it was contradicted by his