be drawn at once between that party and the Abolitionists. He accordingly moved the following resolutions, which present so strongly his views of the relations of the General Government and of the states to this subject, that we shall extract them.

"Mr. Calhoun then submitted the following resolutions :

"Resolved, That, in the adoption of the Federal Constitution, the states adopting the same acted severally as free, independent, and sovereign states; and that each, for itself, by its own voluntary assent, entered the Union with the view to its increased security against all dangers, domestic as well as foreign, and the more perfect and secure enjoyment of its advantages, natural, political, and social.

"Resolved, That, in delegating a portion of their powers to be exercised by the Federal Government, the states retained severally the exclusive and sole right over their own domestic institutions and police, and are alone responsible for them; and that any intermeddling of any one or more states, or a combination of their citizens, with the domestic institutions and police of the others, on any ground or under any pretext whatever, political, moral, or religious, with a view to their alteration or subversion, is an assumption of superiority not warranted by the Constitution, insulting to the states interfered with, tending to endanger their domestic peace and tranquillity, subversive of the objects for which the Constitution was formed, and, by necessary consequence, tending to weaken and destroy the Union itself.

"Resolved, That this Government was instituted and adopted by the several states of this Union as a common agent, in order to carry into effect the powers which they had delegated by the Constitution for their mutual security and prosperity; and that, in fulfilment of this high and sacred trust, this Government is bound so to exercise its powers as to give, as far as may be practicable, increased stability and security to the domestic institutions of the states that compose the Union; and that it is the solemn duty of the Government to resist all attempts by one portion of the Union to use it as an instrument to attack the domestic institutions of another, or to weaken or destroy such institutions, instead of strengthening and upholding them, as it is in duty bound to do.

"Resolved, That domestic slavery, as it exists in the Southern and Western States of this Union, composes an important part of their domestic institutions, inherited from their ancestors, and existing at the adoption of the Constitution, by which it is recognised as constituting an essential element in the distribution of its powers among the states; and that no change of opinion or feeling on the part of the other states of the Union in relation to it can justify them or their citizens in open and systematic attacks thereon, with the view to its overthrow; and that all such attacks are in manifest violation of the mutual and solemn pledge to protect and defend each other, given by the states respectively on entering into the Constitutional compact which formed the Union, and, as such, is a manifest breach of faith, and a violation of the most solemn obligations, moral and religious.

Resolved, That the intermeddling of any state or states, or their citizens, to abolish slavery in this district, or any of the territories, on the ground or under the pretext that it is immoral or sinful, or the passage of any act or measure of Congress with that view, would be a direct and dangerous attack on the institutions of all the slave-holding states.

"Resolved, That the union of these states rests on an equality of rights and advantages among its members; and that whatever destroys that equality tends to destroy the Union itself; and that it is the solemn duty of all, and more especially of this body, which represents the states in their corporate capacity, to resist all attempts to discriminate between the states in extending the benefits of the Government to the several portions of the Union; and that to refuse to extend to the Southern and Western States any advantage which would tend to

strengthen or render them more secure, or increase their limits or population by the annexation of new territory or states, on the assumption or under the pretext that the institution of slavery, as it exists among them, is immoral or sinful, or otherwise obnoxious, would be contrary to that equality of rights and advantages which the Constitution was intended to secure alike to all the members of the Union, and would, in effect, disfranchise the slave-holding states, withholding from them the advantages, while it subjected them to the burdens of the Government."

These, with the exception of the last, passed the Senate with some slight modifications. In the course of a long and running debate on these resolutions, he examined the relations of our government to this subject. He showed those who viewed slavery only in the abstract, that they could never thus form a true conception of their duty in the existing state of things. It was not a question to be considered in the abstract, but in the concrete, and with a full view of all the circumstances connected with it. In a large portion of our country, two races had been thrown together in nearly equal numbers, and separated into castes by a natural line too strongly drawn ever to be effaced. The question was not as to what different state of things could be conceived as more desirable, but what was the best relation to establish between two such races thrown together under such circumstances. Under the institution of slavery, both races had prospered, and the black especially had made a more rapid advance in civilization than it had ever done before in the same space of time and under other circumstances. These were facts to induce those to pause who were tempted, by considerations of abstract philanthropy, to overstep the bounds which were imposed on their action not only by the Constitution, but also by an enlightened spirit of benevolence itself. If other considerations were wanting, he pointed to the incidental political benefits arising from an institution which harmonized the relations between capital and labour, and thus introduced a spirit conservative of both interests, so far as Southern influence could be felt in the action of the General Government. The passage of these resolutions placed the Abolitionists in direct hostility to the Republican party, and led to a state of things which was far safer to the party and the Union than to have permitted so dangerous a sect to grow up unopposed. The Republicans, from all sections of the Union, found in these propositions a common ground where they could stand, without danger of schism upon the question which threatened most to divide them. At the next session the prominent subject of debate was Mr. Crittenden's bill to prevent the interference of certain Federal officers in elections. Mr. Calhoun spoke with much power and effect on the occasion.* After discussing the subject fully against the bill on its merits, both as to its constitutionality and expediency, and showing that its effects would be the opposite of what was intended that it would increase instead of diminishing the influence of the executive-he declared himself the fixed and strenuous friend of reducing the influence and patronage of that branch of the government within the narrowest limits consistent with the Constitution and the object for which it was created. He then proceeded to show that the legitimate means of effecting that was to restrict the revenue and expenditure to the legitimate and constitutional wants of the Government, and to hold the executive power strictly to its appropriate sphere. This led him into a very interesting account of the two hostile systems of policy, which had divided the country from the formation of the Government, of one of which Mr. Jefferson was the head and General Hamilton of the other. After tracing their rise and progress, he showed that the present struggle was but a continuation of the original conflict between them, and that an opportunity was now afforded for the first time since the Government went into operation, to put down effectually that of which Hamilton was the head— the old Federal and consolidation party; and to give the opposite-that of

* See "Speeches," &c., No. 23.

which Jefferson was the head, the old State Rights Republican party—a permanent ascendency. In conclusion he said, "It would be presumptuous in me, Mr. President, to advise those who are charged with the administration of the Government what course to adopt; but if they would hear the voice of one who desires nothing for himself, and whose only wish is to see the country prosperous, free, and happy, I would say to them, You are placed in the most remarkable juncture that has ever occurred since the establishment of the Federal Government, and, by seizing the opportunity, you may bring the vessel of state to a position where she may take a new tack, and thereby escape all the shoals and breakers into the midst of which a false steerage has run her, and bring her triumphantly into her destined port, with honour to yourselves and safety to those on board. Take your stand boldly; avow your object; disclose your measures, and let the people see clearly that you intend to do what Jefferson designed, but, from adverse circumstances, could not accomplish: to reverse the measures originating in principles and policy not congenial with our political system; to divest the Government of all undue patronage and influence; to restrict it to the few great objects intended by the Constitution; in a word, to give a complete ascendency to the good old Virginia school over its antagonist, which time and experience have proved to be foreign and dangerous to our system of Government, and you may count with confidence on their support, without looking to other means of success. Should the Government take such a course at this favourable moment, our free and happy institutions may be perpetuated for generations, but, if a different, short will be their duration." Had the course advised been early and openly avowed and vigorously pursued in time, very different might have been the termination of the last presidential election; and it may be added, that the advice is not less applicable to the coming than to the past election, and, if the Federal consolidation party is ever to be permanently put down, and the State Rights Republican party to gain the permanent ascendency, it can only be effected by its adhering steadily and in good faith to the course advised.

The next session, that of 1839-40, which immediately preceded the late presidential election, was distinguished for the number and importance of the subjects that were agitated and discussed, and, it may be added, the ability and animation of the discussions. Among the more prominent of these may be included the public lands; the assumption of state debts; Mr. Calhoun's resolutions in reference to the case of the Enterprise; the Bankrupt Bill, and the repeal of the salt-tax; in all of which Mr. Calhoun took a prominent part.* His speeches on his resolutions and on the assumption of state debts are among the ablest he ever delivered, and are worthy of the attention of all who desire to understand the subjects which they discuss.

*

The presidential election having terminated in favour of the Whigs, the next session was principally occupied in the discussions connected with the public lands, preparatory to one of the leading objects of policy contemplated under the new administration. Mr. Calhoun made three speeches on the subject:† one on the prospective Pre-emption Bill; another on an amendment to it proposed by Mr. Crittenden, as a substitute, to distribute the revenue from the public lands among the states; and, finally, one in reply to Mr. Webster and Mr. Clay. In these the whole policy of the public lands, and the various plans which were proposed in reference to them, were discussed. It is a subject which early attracted Mr. Calhoun's attention, and has engrossed much of his reflection.

As far back as February, 1837, he offered a substitute, in the form of an amendment to the bill, to suspend the sales of the public lands, in which he proposed to cede to the new states the portion of the public lands lying within their respective limits, on certain conditions, which he accompanied by a speech * See "Speeches," &c., Nos. 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, and 29.

I

explanatory of his views and reasons. He followed up the subject in a speech delivered in January, 1839, on the Graduation Bill; and in May, 1840, an elaborate and full report was made from the Committee on Public Lands, and a bill introduced by him, containing substantially the same provisions with his original proposition. These, with his three speeches already referred to, contain a full view of his objects and reasons for the proposed cession.

There have been few measures ever presented for consideration so grossly misrepresented, or so much misconceived, as the one in question. It has been represented as a gift-a surrender—an abandonment of the public domain to the new states; and having assumed that to be its true character, the most unworthy motives have been attributed to the author for introducing it. Nothing is more untrue. The cession is neither more nor less than a conditional sale, not extended to the whole of the public domain, as represented, but to that portion in the new states respectively within whose limits they lie; the greater part of which are mere remnants, which have long since been offered for sale, without being sold.

The conditions on which they are proposed to be ceded or sold are drawn up with the greatest care, and with the strictest provisions to ensure their fulfilment; one of which is, that the state should pay 65 per cent. of the gross proceeds of the sale to the General Government, and retain only 35 per cent. for the trouble, expense, and responsibility attending their administration. Another is, that the existing laws, as they stand, except so far as they may be modified or authorized to be modified by the act of cession, shall remain unchanged, unless altered by the joint consent of the General Government and the several states. They are respectively authorized, if they should think proper, to adopt a system of graduation and pre-emption within well-defined and safe limits prescribed in the conditions; and the General Government is authorized to appoint officers in the several states, to whom its share of the proceeds of the sale shall be directly paid, without going into the state treasury; and these conditions are put under the guardianship of the courts, by providing, if they shall be violated, that all after rules by the state shall be null and void. So far from this being a gift, or an abandonment of the public lands to the new states, he has clearly proved, if there be truth in figures, that the Government would receive a greater amount of revenue from the lands in the new states, under the system he proposes, than under the present. These demonstrations are based on calculations which neither have nor can be impugned.

But his views extended far beyond dollars and cents in bringing forward the measure. He proposed to effect by it the high political objects of placing the new states on the same footing of equality and independence with the old, in reference to their domain; to cut off the vast amount of patronage which the public lands place in the hand of the executive; to withdraw them, as one of the stakes, from the presidential game; to diminish by one fourth the business of Congress, and with it the length and expense of its session; to enlist the Government of the new states on the side of the General Government; to aid in a more careful administration of the rest of the public domain, and thereby prevent the whole of it from becoming the property of the occupants from possession; and, finally, to prevent the too rapid extinction of Indian titles in proportion to the demand for lands from the increase of population, which he shows to be pregnant with great embarrassment and danger. These are great objects, of high political import; and if they could be effected by the measure proposed, it is justly entitled to be ranked among the wisest and most politic ever brought forward. That they can be effected, it is almost impossible for any well-informed and dispassionate mind deliberately to read the speeches and documents referred to, and to doubt.

CHAPTER VII.

Conclusion.

ONE of the first acts of the new administration was to call an extra session in the spring of 1841. Flushed with success, and confident in their power to consummate their entire system of policy, the Whigs assembled at the commencement of this session with overwhelming majorities in each House of Congress. The Republicans came, under circumstances well calculated to dispirit them, and too weak in point of numbers to have made an efficient opposition except under the most skilful management. It soon became manifest, as the plan of the campaign was developed, that the majority were determined to sweep everything by "coups-de-main," and would not depend upon address at the expense of time to take any post which could possibly be carried by storm. They commenced in the House of Representatives by wresting from the minority some of the most inestimable of the privileges of debate: privileges which the minority had enjoyed from the institution of the House of Representatives up to that time, and even during the war, when the opposition, by its factious course, seemed to have justly forfeited all respect, if it had not been deemed the sacred right of the tax-payer to be fully heard before new burdens were imposed upon him. But the minority were no longer allowed to debate questions in the Committee of the Whole until they were satisfied with the hearing.

The majority seized the power of arresting the debate whenever they chose, and thus, under the pretence of preventing factious delays, they acquired the means of terminating the discussion whenever it searched their purposes too deeply, or developed too strongly the consequences of their measures. Under this state of things, there was little left to the opposition but the mere vote; and the majority so completely acquired the whole sway in the lower House that it was by their grace only that their opponents could even remonstrate against their measures. In that body one overruling influence seemed to prevail, which did not emanate from within, but cast its shadow from without. Nor could even the fascinations of the splendid genius that controlled, relieve the dull, dreary, and depressing sense of dependance under which that House seemed to think and move. In the Senate, however, this tendency to the absolute power of a majority met with a severe and effective resistance. Determined never to yield up the arms which were necessary for the contest, they repelled every attempt to introduce "the gag.' Foremost among the opposition stood Mr. Calhoun, and the parliamentary annals of the world hardly afford an instance of a more formidable array of intellectual force than that opposition then presented. Nothing could be more brilliant than its career through the whole of this short but eventful session.

The majority boldly assumed the old Federal positions upon the bank, the tariff, and the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands. Confident in their strength to carry it, they openly avowed their system. Profusion in public expenditure and special legislation seemed to be the order of the day. To the shattered victims of the war so long waged by the stock interests, a deliverance from all obligation for the past was declared in the Bankrupt Law; and the affiliated system of the bank, the tariff, and the distribution tempted them with an almost boundless prospect for future indulgence. The prodigal, the idle, the desperate, the visionary speculator, and even the cunning usurer, were each invited, by some appropriate hope, to join in the general foray, when the whole field of productive industry was to be given up to plunder. There seemed to be at last a prospect that Hamilton's system would prevail. With a