and under the belief that these excesses were necessary acts of self-defence against traitors, yet it was only in the cities that even these symptoms of undue partiality appeared. The great mass of the people remained unchanged.

Nor were the fears of the democratic party that their opponents were prepared to surrender their independence to the British government better founded. The federalists were indeed desirous of peace with England, for that was evidently recommended by the interests of the United States; they admired the constitution and laws of that country, long regarded as the best system of civil liberty the world had seen; and they looked to her power as the most able to resist the influence of the French, who threatened to subvert every thing in religion, morals, or government, which had hitherto been venerable in the eyes of mankind. While each thus saw in the strength of the government it approved the most effectual counteraction for the dangers it apprehended, it aided to increase that strength; and by thus unconsciously augmenting the fears of its adversaries, created new cause for its own.

The bill for non-intercourse was passed by the House of Representatives, notwithstanding the mission of Mr. Jay, and was lost in the Senate by the casting vote of the VicePresident, Mr. Adams.

In consequence of the measures of defence in case of a war, and the appropriation of a million of dollars to purchase peace of Algiers, it was found necessary to increase the taxes, which were opposed partly on the ground that they were unconstitutional*, and partly because direct taxes were deemed more equal and unexceptionable. The materials of which these parties were composed may throw some light

*This objection was urged principally against the carriage tax, which it was contended was a direct tax, and therefore should be apportioned among the states according to representation.

on the principles which actuated them, and may not be without interest to those who from youth, or remoteness from the scene of action, may not have had an opportunity of judging from personal observation.

The federal party consisted-1st. Of most of the officers and soldiers of the revolution, who thus arranged themselves, not merely from their personal attachment to General Washington, but because the habits of military obedience and discipline incline this class of men to take side with those who exercise power, and are the immediate preservers of order. 2. All those who had speculated in the funds. They were attached to the new government by the double ties of gratitude for the great gains they had derived by the funding of the debt, and by those of interest, which was so closely connected with the strength of the government and the permanency of the union. 3. All British merchants and agents, both from national attachments and antipathies, and because the democratic party wished to encourage trade with France at the expense of that with England. In the southern states too there was a large amount of debts still due, and the creditors and their agents hated the party which had obstructed their recovery. 4. The mercantile community, generally, because they were most benefited by British capital, either as agents or dealers; and because also they, as a class, love peace and order, and are disposed to support government generally, and especially the course of this administration, which had declared itself friendly to peace. 5. The rest of the federal party consisted of those who were influenced by attachment to General Washington, or dread of contamination from French alliance, or who being of a quiet, timid, or negative character, were by temperament disposed to give their confidence to the government, and to look to it for protection.

The republican party consisted-1. Of most of those who

had been opposed to so liberal a grant of power to the general government at the expense of the states, and who apprehended that it would finally lead to a consolidated or central government, possessing undivided sovereignty. They saw, or thought they saw, in the course of the administration, much to realize their former apprehensions. 2. The sanguine and enthusiastic votaries of civil liberty, who, yielding to their hopes, saw in the French revolution only the advancement of the great cause of human happiness, and in the crimes and outrages with which it was accompanied, a painful but necessary and temporary remedy for the disease of bad government; and in the administration, under the mask of neutrality, secret enmity to the glorious cause. This class comprehended most young men; men of letters and speculative minds; fiery tempers, impatient of control; political projectors and innovators. 3. Free-thinkers in religion and morals, who from mere congeniality of sentiment with the ruling party in France, sided with those who were most favourable to that country. 4. All who felt animosity to Great Britain, comprehending those Americans in whom resentment excited by the war had not subsided, and Irish emigrants, who hated the English yoke, and resented the persecutions of her patriots. 5. Personal adherents to Mr. Jefferson.

The first class constituted the majority of the northern states; the last the majority of the southern states. In the cities, in both divisions of the Union, parties were nearly balanced. The federal party could boast of the most wealth. But as to talents, neither party had an acknowledged predominance. The federalists reproached their opponents with being visionary. They in turn were charged with being corrupt and designing; and if we are to trust to the instinctive sagacity of an enemy in seizing on the most vulnerable point of attack, we should infer that the republican

party, generally, were more deficient in judgment than honest intention, and that the federalists were at once more practical, more selfish, and mercenary.

In the month of April, Mr. Jefferson received a letter from General Washington, which he answered in May. It seems from this correspondence that every appearance of friendship was still kept up between them. In a slight allusion to politics, Mr. Jefferson remarks, "My opinion of the British government is, that nothing will force them to do justice but the loud voice of their people, and that this can never be excited but by distressing their commerce. But I cherish tranquillity too much to suffer political things to enter my mind at all."

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546

CHAPTER XX.

Insurrection in Pennsylvania. Mr. Jefferson refuses a seat in the Cabinet. Democratic Societies. The President's Speech-Mr. Jefferson's strictures on it. The fitness of large States for Republican Government considered. Gouverneur Morris recalled-his character. James Munroe. Discontent of Kentucky. Direct and Indirect Taxes. Alexander Hamilton resigns-his character. Mr. Jefferson refuses to become a Candidate for the Presidency. Treaty with Great Britain-ratified by the Senate-made public by one of the Senators-violent opposition to it-Mr. Jefferson's views of it -its provisions-its want of reciprocity detailed and explained.

1794-5.

AN event now occurred which was calculated to excite the mortification and regret of the friends of the constitution, and the advocates for popular government. The discontents produced by the excise-law in the western part of Pennsylvania had gone on increasing, until it had broken out in open resistance to the laws. The immediate occasion of the popular rising was on the marshal's attempt to execute process against some offenders, who had been indicted in the federal court. A body of armed men fired on him, and compelled him to retreat. The house of the inspectorgeneral, who superintended the excise, having been besieged, he himself was obliged to surrender, and his papers were seized. The marshal was compelled to promise that he would execute no more process on the west of the Alleghany; and both he and the inspector being threatened for refusing to resign, sought safety in flight. The insurgents opened the mail and examined the letters it contained to discover the persons who were opposed to them, and