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fortunately it was unsuccessful.1 It was introduced some years afterward into Massachusetts. In 1812, while Gerry was governor of that state, the Republican legislature redistributed the districts in such wise. that the shapes of the towns forming a single district in Essex county gave to the district a somewhat drag

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on-like contour. This was indicated upon a map of Massachusetts which Benjamin Russell, an ardent Federalist and editor of the "Centinel," hung up over the desk in his office. The celebrated painter, Gilbert Stuart, coming into the office one day and observing the uncouth figure, added with his pencil a head, wings, and claws, and exclaimed, "That will do for a salamander! "Better say a Gerrymander!" growled

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1 Tyler's Patrick Henry, p. 313.

the editor; and the outlandish name, thus duly coined, soon came into general currency.1

The election

at large.

When after an increase in its number of representatives the state has failed to redistribute its districts, the additional member or members are voted for upon a general state ticket, and are called "representatives at large." In Maine, where the census of 1880 had reduced the number of representatives and there was some delay in the redistribution, Congress allowed the State in 1882 to elect all its representatives upon a general ticket. The advantage of the district system is that the candidates are likely to be better known by their neighbours, but the election at large is perhaps more likely to secure able men.2 It is the American custom to nominate only residents of the district as candidates for the House of Representatives. A citizen of Albany, for example, would not be nominated for the district in which Buffalo is situated. In the British practice, on the other hand, if an eminent man cannot get a nomination in his own county or borough, there is nothing to prevent his standing for any other county or borough. This system seems more favourable to the independence of the legislator than our system. Some of its advantages are obtained by the election at large.

Congress must assemble at least once in every year, and the constitution appoints the first Monday in December for the time of meeting; but Consembling. gress can, if worth while, enact a law chang

Time of as

1 Winsor's Memorial History of Boston, vol. iii. p. 212; see also Bryce, loc. cit. The word is sometimes incorrectly pronounced "jerrymander." Mr. Winsor observes that the back line of the creature's body forms a profile caricature of Gerry's face, with the nose at Middleton.

2 The difference is similar to the difference between the French scrutin d'arrondissement and scrutin de liste.

ing the time. The established custom is to hold the election for representatives upon the same day as the election for president, the Tuesday after the first Monday in November. As the period of the new administration does not begin until the fourth day of the following March, the new House of Representatives does not assemble until the December following that date, unless the new president should at some earlier moment summon an extra session of Congress. It thus happens that ordinarily the representatives of the nation do not meet for more than a year after their election; and as their business is at least to give legislative expression to the popular opinion which elected them, the delay is in this instance regarded by many persons as inconvenient and injudicious.

Each house is judge of the elections, qualifications, and returns of its own members; determines its own rules of procedure, and may punish its members for disorderly behaviour, or by a two thirds vote expel a member. Absent members may be compelled under penalties to attend. Each house is required to keep a journal of its proceedings and at proper intervals to publish it, except such parts as for reasons of public policy had better be kept secret. At the request of one fifth of the members present, the yeas and nays must be entered on the journal. During the session of Congress neither house may, without consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, or to any other place than that in which Congress is sitting.

Senators and representatives receive a salary fixed by law, and as they are federal functionaries they are paid from the federal treasury. In all cases, except treason or felony or breach of the peace, they are privileged from arrest during their attendance in Congress, as also while on their way to it and while returning home; "and for any speech or debate in either

Privileges of

house they shall not be questioned in any other place.” These provisions are reminiscences of the members. evil days when the king strove to interfere, by fair means or foul, with free speech in parliament; and they are important enough to be incorporated in the supreme law of the land. No person can at the same time hold any civil office under the United States government and be a member of either house of Congress.

The vice-president is the presiding officer of the Senate, with power to vote only in case of a tie. The House of Representatives elects its presiding officer,

who is called the Speaker. In the early hisThe Speaker. tory of the House of Commons, its presiding officer was naturally enough its spokesman. He could speak for it in addressing the crown. Henry of Keighley thus addressed the crown in 1301, and there were other instances during that century, until in 1376 the title of Speaker was definitely given to Sir Thomas Hungerford, and from that date the list is unbroken. The title was given to the presiding officers of the American colonial assemblies, and thence it passed on to the state and federal legislatures. The Speaker presides over the debates, puts the question, and decides points of order. He also appoints the committees of the House of Representatives, and as the initiatory work in our legislation is now so largely done by the committees, this makes him the most pow erful officer of the government except the President.

The provisions for impeachment of public officers are copied from the custom in England. Since the fourteenth century the House of Commons has occasionally exercised the power of impeaching the king's ministers and other high public officers, and although the power was not used during the sixteenth century,

Impeach

land.

An

it was afterward revived and conclusively established. In 1701 it was enacted that the royal pardon could not be pleaded against an impeach- ment in Engment, and this act finally secured the responsibility of the king's ministers to Parliament. impeachment is a kind of accusation or indictment brought against a public officer by the House of Commons. The court in which the case is tried is the House of Lords, and the ordinary rules of judicial procedure are followed. The regular president of the House of Lords is the Lord Chancellor, who is the highest judicial officer in the kingdom. A simple majority vote secures conviction, and then it is left for the House of Commons to say whether judgment shall be pronounced or not.

ment in the

In the United States the House of Representatives has the sole power of impeachment, and the Senate has the sole power to try all impeachments. When the president of the United States is tried, Impeachthe chief-justice must preside. As a precau- United tion against the use of impeachment for States. party purposes, a two thirds vote is required for conviction; and this precaution proved effectual (fortunately, as most persons now admit) in the famous case of President Johnson in 1868. In case of conviction the judgment cannot extend further than “to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honour, trust, or profit under the United States; " but the person convicted is liable afterward to be tried and punished by the ordinary process of law.

The provisions of the Constitution for legislation are admirably simple. All bills for raising revenue must originate in the lower house, but the upper house may propose or concur with amendments, as

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