habit of cross-puzzling in the throes of which America finds herself right after having recuperated from Coué and mah jong. There have been abuses in the drug stores, undoubtedly. A number of them are run by unscrupulous betrayers of a noble professional class, who have besmirched the name. But to class the majority or even a considerable proportion of the drug stores as bootleggers is stretching the imagination beyond the breaking point.

Of the 461 saloons which we found apparently still in business throughout the city, 75 had yielded some of their space to other concerns, 37 were part restaurant and 349 showed no outward change from preprohibition days.

The 2,208 premises which discontinued had been replaced by 3,338 stores, of which 66 were still in process of alteration and 1,822 had been thoroughly renovated. In 96 instances we found new buildings, 266 premises still vacant, 11 empty lots on the spot where formerly some licensed dispensary had been in business. A table which shows all of this by avenues and strects is herewith attached, Table J.

In Table K is shown the percentage of saloons which have discontinued and of those which are still in business for each of the avenues surveyed. The same data are shown graphically by avenues and streets for the whole city in Chart II. This latter chart shows a decrease of approximately 80 per cent of saloons throughout Manhattan. On six avenues, Tenth, Eleventh, St. Nicholas, South Street, Thirty-fourth, and Pearl Street the decrease in saloons was over 60 per cent but not over 70 per cent. On 10 avenues and streets the decrease was over 70 per cent but below 80 per cent. On 13 of the avenues the decrease was between 80 per cent and 90 per cent; it was over 90 per cent on two avenues and 100 per cent on one avenue.

In Chart III we show graphically, the gradual decrease of the saloons in Manhattan. Taking 1916 as the basis of 100 per cent, the saloons had decreased by the end of 1918 about 14 per cent. In 1920 we found that 37 per cent had discontinued; in the following year over one-half of the barrooms had gone out of business, a decrease of approximately 51 per cent. This steady, gradual decrease continued and in 1922 we found only 45 per cent of the former saloons in business, 55 per cent having discontinued. In July, 1924, we found that the 100 per cent of the saloons of 1916 had been reduced to approximately 20 per cent, as 80 per cent of them had ceased to function.

THE CONSTRUCTIVE SIDE OF PROHIBITION

The foregoing tables and charts have indicated the destructive features of prohibition as far as the liquor traffic is concerned. The eighteenth amendment was never intended to be a destructive measure exclusively. The advocates of the complete abolition and destruction of the liquor traffic have been persuaded that the eradication of this nefarious industry was the only remedy against alcoholism. The strongest argument for such a contention is that alcohol is a narcotic, a habit-forming drug, and a racial poison which, like lead and syphilis, destroys the protoplasm and in that way injures the generations to come. is the arch enemy of the fundamental law of mankind: Salus populi lex suprema esto.

It

But the constructive features of prohibition are far more important and should be emphasized more than the merely destructive. What the elimination of the social environment of saloons has meant to the home and to the many victims who always paid the fiddler after the drunkards had danced and enjoyed their personal liberty, can be realized-and partially only-by those who are familiar with the social problems. What this new environment means to the growing youth, from a psychological point of view can only be fathomed. No longer do the children, especially in the big cities, have to grow up with a saloon on each street corner and with beer kegs on the sidewalks behind which to play hide and seek, having to dodge the brewers' big horses or rush the growler' or see the sorry spectacle of drunken men and women, listen to their vulgar remarks and be confronted with the uncouth appearance and dastardly actions of their fellow beings degraded by drink.

In Table L we are showing in part the constructive side of prohibition. It is true that saloons have discontinued, that liquor stores have ceased to exist, but what kind of changes have taken place? Has prohibition merely changed the proprietor or the name of a firm? It is in the constructive side of prohibition that one really finds an answer as to whether prohibition is worth while. We hope to show by these tables, which for the first time are sufficiently extensive

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to warrant conclusions, that the sponsors of the eighteenth amendment acted more wisely, perhaps, than they knew, and that the results have been far better and more far reaching than the public at large expected.

Summing up this table, we find that 3,800 stores had replaced 2,173 former saloons and liquor stores. Of the 2,263 saloons licensed in 1916 and the 391 liquor stores, we found in 1924 that 2,173 of these premises had discontinued; of these 1,822 had been thoroughly renovated. We are not reporting in this table any data regarding drug stores. The long list of new stores that have replaced licensed premises have reference to saloons and liquor stores only. Table M shows that the 3,800 stores which occupied the premises of the former 2,654 licensed liquor dispensaries were divided as follows: 3,298 stores have absolutely nothing to do and are not connected in any way, shape, manner or form with the old liquor traffic. These constitute 86.8 per cent of the total. The 349 saloons, 112 part saloons, two new saloons, 37 malt and hops stores and even 2 stores selling sacramental wine, altogether 502 stores, represent only 13.21 per cent of the total number of premises surveyed. We are reporting in these tables two "new saloons." We have reference here to a new kind of institution which had its birth when Governor Smith signed the repealer of the State enforcement act. We found approximately 25 new saloons which came into existence immediately after the State law was repealed. These saloons differ in appearance from the old time barroom. There are no screens or open doors. There are no signs whatever to show that they are saloons. Some have small signs purporting to indicate that they are restaurants and even furniture stores. The windows and doors are covered with an unvarying shade of dark green cloth. They are small in size, only one-fourth to one-eighth of the size of the former barroom. There are no tables whatever but just the usual number of cuspidors. The door is always locked; one must knock or have a pass-word, then the green cloth is withdrawn just sufficiently to observe the intruder, the door is opened just enough to admit the guest, then closed again and the green cloth is again withdrawn to see if anyone has noticed the admittance; after this, the place is again as dead as Marley-outwardly. There is an uncomfortable spookiness and secrecy about this whole performance which may raise a question as to the honesty of those concerned. No light is ever seen at night or during the day and the coming and going to-and-fro in these new places is always mysterious and not lacking a certain degree of amusing solemnity.