supported our protests against German barbarism with a great preparation for military movement, is a matter on which opinions differ. War might have been avoided-that is a pure surmise. Had we intervened earlier the

would be over to-day-that is another pure surmise. We do know that when the war came to them the American people, unprepared though they were, accepted it with a surprising unanimity of purpose to carry it through.

We had been told that there lay a possibility of trouble among our millions of citizens of German birth and descent, and the aliens in our country. The great number of them have proved absolutely loyal. It is true that in some localities largely settled by these people there were made feeble attempts at protest and obstruction, but these were quickly conquered by the general outburst of patriotism. Those at heart disloyal were quick to realize their danger and to shape their conduct so as to keep themselves within the law. Against the really dangerous aliens and disloyal citizens the government was quick to act, and within twentyfour hours after war was declared thousands of

them were safe behind the bars. The prompt and effective work of the Secret Service, supported by local police, prevented outbreaks of any kind. The hopes and plans of Germany for wide-spread disorders blocking our preparation for hostilities were blasted, and to-day it is a common thing to see in German newspapers bitter comment on what they deem the supine attitude of the Germans in America-traitors to the Fatherland. If there were dangerous efforts at obstruction anywhere, they were in Congress, made by a few short-sighted pacifists, who could not see that America had to fight if she was to keep her liberty, and by timid politicians who pandered to the pro-German sentiments of their constituents. Even these trimmed their sails when they found how the wind blew.

The administration realized the danger, and once the die was cast set itself with all vigor to meet it. For the fight we had ready a navy in weight of gun-power rated then third in the world, and manned by a personnel than which there is none better. But in a military force with which to engage effectively in so great a conflict we were woefully lacking. Our regular

army on April 1, 1917, consisted of 5,791 officers and 121,797 men; the National Guard available for federal service numbered 3,733 officers and 76,713 enlisted men, and there were in the army reserve approximately 4,000 enlisted men. This made a total armed force of approximately 212,000, a number utterly inadequate for the conflict ahead.

The problem faced by the country was a mighty one. Briefly stated, these were its main elements:

To strengthen our navy, that it could meet and whip unaided the navy of Germany.

To raise an army of at least 5,000,000 men, well trained and equipped.

To bridge the sea with ships that we might transport these men to the battle-front and maintain a steady flow of food and munitions for our own and our allies' use.

To stimulate the production of food and munitions, that we might fill the shortage in our allies' lands.

To raise by taxation and loans more money than had been spent by our government since the beginning of its history.

Time pressed. The collapse of all orderly government in Russia meant a threat of increased German armies on the western front. Our allies were calling to us for food, money, men, and munitions. Fortunately for us, their armies held the enemy rigidly, while we prepared to send them succor in an ever-increasing flow.

In a military way we had one great asset, our munition-factories. During the years of our neutrality, answering the demands of Great Britain, France, Russia, and Italy, private enterprise had developed on an enormous scale plants for the manufacture of guns of all sizes, shells, and high explosives-everything, in fact, needed for the equipment of an army. These were at our government's disposal, and those who manned them, from manager and engineer to the workmen at the lathe and forge, became a part of our great patriotic army of defense. Then, too, we had wisely, by government and private enterprise, laid the foundations of a great merchant marine.

Every element in the problem was vital to its solution-army, navy, food, transport, and fi

nance-but when we found ourselves at war the most immediately pressing question was that of shipping. Manifestly it was impossible for us to conduct a war overseas if we did not have the vessels in which to transport the soldiers and, moreover, our allies were sorely beset by the ravages of the enemy submarines, and were in grave danger from lack of food, fuel, and metal. The Germans' unrestricted submarine warfare was working havoc with the world's merchant marine, and at the moment when America became a belligerent, German piracy was on the high wave of success. Ships were being sunk at the average rate of more than 600,000 gross tons a month. In the month of April, alone, 893,877 gross tons of the world's merchant fleet were sent to the bottom. There were but two ways to overcome this menace: to conquer the submarines and to build ships. The first warlike act of our government was to send our navy to help our allies combat the pirates of the underseas.