not mean to say that every man and woman in Eng. land are reduced to that, but I saw on this occasion thousands that were receiving no better wages. "You Irishmen, you Germans, you Americans, if you want either to transfer our industries to Europe or to reduce the laboring men of our country to the same standard of wages as those of England and of Europe, vote for Grover Cleveland. Why England opposes the Protective System. "There is another question that may be coming up. I told you about the Cobden Club, what England is doing to break down our protective system. Why is she doing this? Certainly not for love. I will tell you why they are doing it. I have lived among them for eleven years, and I know this, too. England to-day does not raise sufficient food to feed her own people. For articles of food, such as meat, breadstuffs, butter, cheese, lard, fish, eggs, potatoes and rice, she paid last year over six hundred million dollars. In 1870 she paid for those same articles of food two hundred and seventy-six millions of dollars; and if you look over her statistics you will find that there is a gradual increase of that expenditure in about that ratio; and if she continues as she is now, in the year 1900 she will have to pay for those articles of food, over one thousand millions of dollars. If she can break down our protective system, and compel our artisans all to go to raising raw materials, you will see that she will put down the price of all agricultural products over fifty per cent. The farmer will not be able to raise one bushel more of grain per acre than he does now, and he will only get fifty cents where he now gets a dollar, and the laborer will have to be paid lower; and Eng. land, not America, will get the whole benefit. England wants a market for her manufactured products; she cannot sell what she is making. If she can break down our manufactories here, she expects us to buy from her, and we shall buy from her, and she would make the profit. "Every newspaper and every statesman in England understands this question fully. I know it not only from their pamphlets and books, but I know it from themselves. I know Thomas Bailey Potter, the head of the Cobden Club, well. I know John Bright; we have dined together, and we have discussed these questions, and I know it from their own mouths." Further and later proof afforded by Representative Woodburn- American members of the Free-Trade Cobden Club-Their corrup tion fund for 1888. In his speech in the House, May 5, 1888, Representative Woodburn said: The Cobden Club is an association of British manufacturers organized in 1866 for the avowed purpose of destroying the protective-tariff system in America, and to facilitate the introduction and sale of British goods in the American market. This organization, founded in London, has established agencies in New York and Chicago for the distribution of British free-trade documents in political contests in this country. Its secretary is a member of the British Parliament. His name is Thomas Bailey Potter, who, at the annual dinner of the Cobden Club at Greenwich on the 10th day of July, 1880, said that the Cobden Club was now about to enter a contest with a foe worthy of its steel. Their eyes were now turned westward. They were going to encounter their friends in the United States, and he believed they would be ultimately victorious. Six days after this interesting free-trade love-feast the London Times said: "It is to the New World that the Cobden Club is chiefly looking as the most likely sphere for its vigor. ous foreign policy. It has done what it can in Europe, and is now turning its eyes westward and bracing itself for the struggle which is to come. It cannot rest while the United States are unsubdued." The following is a London cable-despatch, dated January 8, 1888: "The Cobden Club are trying to raise a large sum of money to be spent to further free-trade propaganda, especially in spreading broadcast pamphlets and other Cobden Club literature. Lord Brassey has given a thousand dollars, others less, and the hat is going They are indeed doing more than the free-trade movement in England appears to require. There can be little doubt that their surplus funds are intended as re-enforcements for Mr. Cleveland in his efforts to hand over the control of American markets to British traders." A few years since, the following paragraph appeared in the London Times: "A subscription was recently opened to raise funds to circulate free-trade tracts in foreign countries. About £40,000 ($200,000) was subscribed. Some of these tracts are to be printed in New York for circulation in the United States. In addition to the above, $47,000 was subscribed by foreign bankers and im. porters of this city whose names are in our possession." More than two hundred members of the British Parliament and twelve out of fourteen British Cabinet members are members of the Cobden Club. Upon its roll of membership appears an army of dukes, earls, marquises, lords, peers, counts, and princes. The annual assessment is three guineas. The report of its committee shows that in 1886 they issued eleven millions of free-trade leaflets, and gives to the world the following interesting information: "Your committee are not unmindful of the probable effects of fiscal freedom in America upon the world's commerce. They foresee that free trade means cheap production in the United States." The club awards a prize of £60 for the best essay on free trade. They permit Harvard, Yale, and Williams Colleges in the United States to compete for silver medals of the club for essays on the same subject. Last year the committee kindly consented to permit the University of Indiana to enter the ranks of competition. The bankers of the club are the London and Westminster Bank and the Westminster branch, St. James's Square, London, S.W., where subscriptions are paid on the 1st day of January in each year. Its balance-sheet shows that for the year 1885 it expended £5,744 98 3d. I now offer in evidence the record I hold in my hand, which contains the list of the members of the Cobden Club, with dates of entrance, as corrected up to the 1st day of January, 1888. On the back of the record is the motto of the club, "Free trade, peace, good-will among nations. God save the Queen." I forgot to state that the club committee declare in their report that no man can be an honorary member of the organization unless he has rendered distinguished service in the cause of British free trade. It is so exclusive in its character that no man who earns his bread by the seat of his brow can be adthat the applicant must be a manufacturer or a noblemitted to membership. The essential qualification is man. American Members of the Club. I find in the corrected list of distinguished foreign and colonial noblemen who are members of the club the following names and date of their admission: James B. Beck, Lexington, Ky., elected in 1888. I regret to see the name of the brilliant Senator upon the roll of an anti-American association. He sits high in the hearts of the people west of the Rocky Moun tains. He is the determined foe of British monometal. ism. He does not believe that the capital of the nation that does not produce an ounce of silver ought to reg. ulate the price of the American product. He does not believe that the Democratic Secretary of the Treasury should shape the financial policy of this country to meet the views of forty-six New York bankers and the money-changers of Wall street and London. His name on the club roll is more than an indication of the political sentiments of the great party that recognizes him as one of its most boasted leaders. [Applause.] The Senate of the United States is also represented in this foreign institution by Hon. Zebulon Vance, of Charlotte, N.C., who was admitted in the fold in 1883. William Endicott, Jr., of Boston, Mass., a Cabinet officer of this Republic, its Secretary of War, was admitted in 1877. This ought to create no surprise, for, if common rumor reports him aright, he permits no visitor to escape without inflicting upon him an essay on the antiquity of his Anglo-Saxon ancestry and the peculiar aristocratic color of his Puritanical blood. [Laughter and applause.] Thomas F. Bayard, Delaware's favorite son, the Democratic Secretary of State, was admitted in 1883. the roll of American noblemen. Only a few days ago, at a public meeting at Birmingham, England, when Chamberlain mentioned the name of Bayard, the cheers of the multitude drowned the voice of the orator, and almost set in motion the walls of the building. When in the Senate of the United States, he declared that the passage of a resolution putting wool on the free list was the first step in the direction of free trade. His diplomatic action on the Canadian fishery question, his release of three British vessels solemnly adjudged by a court of the United States to be forfeited and sold, together with their cargoes, for a violation of law in seal-fishing in the Behring Sea, coupled with his cringing apology to the British foreign office for not releasing them sooner, eminently qualify him for membership in the Cobden Club. From his political acts and utterances, a stranger, unacquainted with our form of government, would be just in concluding that he is acting in the dual capacity of an American Secretary of State and a British envoy extraordinary. He had the honor of being elected the same day with his Excellency Nuban Pasha G. C. B., G. C. M. G., and the Marquis Vilfredo Pareto. [Laughter and applause.] David Dudley Field, a Democratic member of the Forty-fourth Congress, whose legal reputation extends beyond the limits of the Empire State, and whose party prominence is such that he was called upon by a committee of this House to dictate the names of the new States that are to be admitted after the election, joined the brotherhood in 1881. Henry George, the Simon-pure free-trader, who, after being justly spurned by the Labor party, allied his political fortunes with Mr. Cleveland, on the principle that birds of a feather flock together, was elected the same year. W. Dorsheimer, whose recent death created a gap in the ranks of the Democratic party in the Empire State that cannot be readily filled, was elected a member in 1878. Manton Marble joined the club in 1872. This is the nobleman delegated by Grover Cleveland to bring about an international money conference in the interest of silver. The silver-producers are doubtless indebted to the President of the United States for the significant appointment of a man to such a position when he was a notorious member of a foreign institution every British member of which is hostile to the coinage of the white metal. W. R. Morrison, of Waterloo, Ill., was elected a member of the Cobden Club in 1876. Three times during his Cobden Club membership he was the Democratic chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, and had the control of the revenue legislation of the country. [Laughter and applause on the Republican side.] Is it any wonder that he was continually tinkering at a tariff revision in the interest of Great Britain that resulted always in the stagnation of business, the timidity of capital, a dearth of employment for labor, that engendered strikes, begot violence, and deprived him of a seat in Congress? In the memorable year of 1873 Sir George Balfour, K.C.B., was elected a member of the club. This is of the wretched, ragged, starving, persecuted tenantry a name that must sound rather unmusical in the ears of Ireland, made so by the propagation of the free-trade policy of this institution that put forth every effort to elect Grover Cleveland, and that is created expressly to destroy American markets. L. Q. C. Lamar, of Oxford, Miss., was elected a member in 1877. He deserves to be there. He has always had the courage to express his free-trade convictious in and out of Congress. Were he not a freetrader, he would never have been appointed a justice Last, but not least, on the roll of the Cobden Club of the Supreme Bench of the United States. membership is that able and impartial parliamentarian who possesses the almost godlike power of shaping the legislation of this great country, the present Speaker of this House, John Griffin Carlisle, of Covington, Ky. He is comparatively a young member, having been elected in 1883. [Applause.] I find upon the roll of British, foreign, and American noblemen such distinguished names as the Duke of Argyle, K.T.; Sir Evelyn Baring, C.S.J.C.I.E.; Lord Brassey, of Bulkey; Right Hon. Joseph Cham berlain; His Excellency the Marquis de Cassa Laig lesia; Major-Gen. Sir William Crossman, K.C.M.G., M.P. [laughter]; Viscount de Figaniera; Frederick W. C. Gibbs, Q.C., C.B.; Lord Randolph Churchill; Viscount Hampden, G.C.B.; Marquis of Lansdowne; Sir John Lubbock, Bart.; Viscount de Moser, of Portugal; His Royal Highness the Prince Jerome Napoleon, of France; Hon. Sir H. Parks, K.C.M.G.; Prince Carl Schurz; Marquis de Riscal; Chevalier Charles de Schezer; Hon. Frank H. Hurd, of Toledo, Ohio [laughter]; His Highness Prince Hassan, of Egypt; Hon. Randolph Tucker, of the Commonwealth of Virginia [laughter]; Baron von Stauffenberg Ristissen; Hon. Henry Watterson, of Louisville, Ky.; His Excellency Waldimir Weshniakoff, of St. Petersburg, Henry Ward Beecher; Baron W. K. Van Dedem; and John C. Calhoun, of New York [great laughter and applause]; J. S. Moore, known as the Parsee Merchant [laughter]; William M. Singerly, of the Philadelphia I only give the names of a few of the American Record; David A. Wells, the free-trade writer. members who have combined to conquer and subdue American energy and enterprise. They shine out on pictures of silver. They ought to be preserved as the British Cobden Club list like apples of gold in relics for the reverential inspection of the rising genera tion of American workingmen. CHAPTER V. The Protected American Farmer. "The time has come for the people of the United States to declare themselves in favor of free seas and progressive Free Trade throughout the world." - Democratic National Platforms, 1856 and 1860. "We remit the discussion of the subject [the tariff] to the people in their Congressional districts, and to the decision of the Congress thereon, wholly free from Executive interference or dictation." - Democratic National Platform, 1868. "That this Convention hereby indorses and recommends the early passage of the [Mills] bill for the reduction of the revenue, now pending in the House of Representatives." Democratic National Platform, 1888. We denounce the Mills Bill as destruc "The Protective system must be maintained. tive to. the Farming interests of the country. We condemn the proposition of the Democratic party to place wool on the free list, and we insist that the duties thereon shall be adjusted and maintained so as to furnish full and adequate Protection to that industry." - Republican National Platform, 1888. PART I. The benefits of the Republican American Protective System to the American Farmer-The proofs by Henry C. Carey, Hon. J. T. Updegraff, a Canadian Farmer, Hon. Nathan Goff, and an American Mechanic. Henry C. Carey's Proofs. Henry C. Carey, the political economist, in his Harmony of Interests, Agricultural, Manufacturing, and Commercial (1872), says: Who, now, were the losers by the greatly increased difficulty of obtaining this great instrument [iron] of civilization? To answer this question, we must first inquire who are the great consumers of iron? The farmers and planters constitute three-fourths of the population of the nation, and if the loss were equally distributed, that portion of the loss would fall upon them but we shall find, upon inquiry, that it is upon them, the producers of all we consume, that the whole of it must fall. The farmer needs iron for his spades and ploughs, his shovels and his dung-forks, his trace-chains, and his horse-shoes, and his wagon-wheels; for his house, his barn, and his stable. He needs them, too, for his timber. If iron be abundant, saws are readily obtained, and the saw-miller takes his place by his side, and he has his timber converted into plank at the cost of less labor than was before required to haul the logs to the distant saw-mill. He obtains the use of millsaws cheap. If iron be abundant, the grist-mill comes to his neighborhood, and now he has his grain converted into flour, giving for the work less grain than was before consumed by the horses and men employed in carrying it to the distant mill. If iron be abundant, spades and picks are readily obtained, and the roads are mended, and he passes more readily to the distant market. If iron increase in abundance, the railroad enables him to pass with increased facility, himself, he was entirely shut out by cost of transportation, except as regards articles of small bulk and much value wheat and cotton. If iron be abundant, the woollen mill comes, and his wool is converted on the spot by men who eat on the ground his cabbage and his veal, and drink his milk, and perform the work of conversion in return for services and things that would have been lost had they not been thus consumed. At each step he gets the use of iron cheaper —that is, at less cost of labor. If iron be abundant, the cotton-mill now comes, and the iron road now brings the cotton, and his sons and his daughters obtain the use of iron spindles and iron looms by which they are enabled to clothe themselves at one-twentieth of the cost of labor that had been necessary but twenty years before. Instead of a yard of cotton received in return for two bushels of corn, one bushel of corn pays for six yards of cloth- and now it is that the farmer grows rich. A careful examination of society will satisfy the inquirer that all the people engaged in the work of transportation, conversion, and exchange are but the agents of the producers, and live out of the commodi. ties they produce, and that the producers grow rich or remain poor precisely as they are required to employ less or more persons in the making of their exchanges. The farmer who is compelled to resort to the distant mill employs many persons, horses, and wagons in the work of converting his grain into flour, and his land is of small value. Bring the mill close to him, and a single horse and cart, occasionally employed, will do the work. The farmer who employs the people of England to produce his iron, is obliged to have the services of numerous persons, of ships and wagons, and horses, to aid in the work. Bring the furnace to his side, and let his neighbor get out his iron, and he and his sons do much of the work themselves, furnishing timber, ore, and the use of horses, wagons, etc., when not needed on the farm. The man of Tennessee sends to market 300 bushels of corn, for which he receives in return one ton of iron, the money-cost of which is $60, but the laborcost of which is the cultivation of ten acres of land. If he could follow his corn, he would find that the men who get out his iron receive but 30 or 40 bushels, and that the remaining 260 or 270 are swallowed up by the numerous transporters and exchangers that stand use If, now, he could bring those men to his side, giving them double wages, say 60 bushels of corn, he would be a gainer to the extent of 240 bushels. While he has to give 300 bushels his iron is dear, and he can little. When he obtains it for 60 bushels it is cheap, and he uses much. His production increases, and his ability to use iron increases with it, and the demand for workers in iron increases, and all obtain food more readily, the consequence of which is, that they have more to spare for clothing and for other comforts or the luxuries of life." [pp. 80-81.] Proofs by a practical Farmer-Representative Updegraff. The Hon. J. T. Updegraff of Ohio, in his speech of April 12 and 13, 1882, in the House of Representatives, said: Mr. Chairman, I have been a farmer all my life, and every year for thirty years have sold the products of the farm. When manufacturers were fully protected and flourishing, I have never seen the time that judicious agriculture was not prosperous; and when manufacturing under "revenue" tariff was crippled or broken down I never saw agriculture flourishing. Is there any gentleman in this House who has? Sometimes a certain product may be in demand temporarily, but the uniform rule is as I have stated it. If any member has seen it otherwise, let him declare it. [Applause.] No; the real and permanent industries of a people are always in harmony and interdependence with each other. Each member of a community profits by an increase in the productive power of the whole body. That advantage is increased and multiplied by every increase in the diversity of employments. The farming interest above every other is benefited by this diversity, which saves the necessity of carrying bulky products to a distant market; for every intelligent farmer knows that the man who is compelled to go to market must, in some way, pay the cost of going, and that the very first of all the charges paid, by labor or by hand, is that for transportation. But Mr. Mongredien says, in his Cobden Club pamphlet, "The farmer neither receives nor seeks leg. islative protection."" False again. He does both. The farmer has carefully and intelligently studied this question, not merely by theories of bookmen, but in the school of practical affairs. He asks, and has received, fair protection for his industries. It is just that he should, for many agricultural products are produced in other countries by pauper labor, against which it would be a monstrous outrage that the American farmer should be forced to compete. Surely this English teacher could not be ignorant of the fact that protective duties are imposed on all the leading agricultural products where protection is practicable. American farmers know that these duties were laid to protect these articles in the home market, which consumes nearly 92 per cent of all the products of the farm. It is not necessary to give a full catalogue of all these products and the duty on each, but I mention enough, taken from our tariff list, to show how carefully the interests of the farmer have been considered. The duty on Indian corn is 10 cents a bushel; on wheat, 20 cents a bushel; oats, 10 cents a bushel; barley, 15 cents a bushel; rye, 15 cents a bushel; peas and beans, 10 to 20 per cent; potatoes, 15 cents a bushel; butter, 4 cents a pound; cheese, 4 cents a pound; poultry, 10 per cent; sugar, 2 to 5 cents per pound; leaf-tobacco, 35 cents a pound; manufactured tobacco, 50 cents a pound; beef and pork, 1 cent a pound; mutton, 10 cents a pound; hay, 20 per cent; on all domestic animals, except for breeding purposes, 20 per cent, but those for breeding purposes admitted free in the interest of farming and stock-raising; wool, from 10 to 12 cents a pound, with from 10 to 12 per cent added. Not only is his interest thus protected, but the farmer knows well that the protection to the manufacturer benefits him still more. He knows that when the great manufacturing industries of various kinds are active and flourishing, that there is always a demand for all the variety of his products in the home market. He understands that the product or price of the great staples of wheat and corn a part of which may be exported, are no measure of the benefit to him of a home market which consumes at ready prices the still more abundant and profitable products of the without great loss and many of them not at all. The vicinity of a manufacturing town or of a manufacturing establishment, whether it be a rolling-mill, furnace, or factory, not only at once raises the price of every foot of his land, but gives him a daily market for the perishable and small products of the farm, such as fruit, dairy products, vegetables, eggs, poultry, veal, mutton, hay, straw, fodder, berries, cord-wood, and a multitude of minor articles, thousands and millions of dollars' worth of which no absolute record can ever find its place in a national balance-sheet, and these are the most profitable of the products of the farm. Proofs furnished by a suffering Canadian Farmer. In a Canadian paper, 1882, appeared the following graphic contrast by a Canadian farmer between the condition of the protected "Yankee" farmer and his own unprotected condition: The Yankee farmer rises in the morning tolerably refreshed. True, he has been sleeping on a bed, the sheets, blankets, and mattress of which would have been taxed 60 to 180 per cent had they been imported from a foreign country. But they are home-made, and his dreams have not been disturbed by the freetrade bugbear that "protection raises the price of the home manufactured article up to at least the price of the imported article plus the imported duty." Mr. David A. Wells and other agents of the Leeds and Manchester manufacturers once tried to frighten him with this bogy; but experience has taught him that it is only a make-believe. There is an import duty of eight cents a yard on cotton-sheeting, but he buys it from the cotton factory in his market town at seven cents a yard, and sees enormous quantities of it going to England in competition with free-trade cotton, to Canada, to South America, and even to Australia. Moreover, he knows that it is to that import duty he owes the establishment of the neighboring cotton factory, whose operatives consume his produce, and give him a profitable home market for rotation crops. The same is true of his blankets and mattress; indeed, he is well satisfied with his bed. It is home-made; it cost him if any thing less than an imported article; and its manufacture has given employment to artisans who buy the products of his farm almost direct from his wagon. He proceeds to put on his clothes, nothing alarmed because there is a heavy import duty on foreign tweed cloths, felt hats, boots, and cotton shirts. His suit from head to foot is of American make; the profits of its manufacture have gone to enrich the American people, and he thinks this is better for him than if his tweed coat had come from the west of England, his hat from Nottingham, his shirt from Manchester, and his boots from Stockport. The clock tells him it is breakfast time. He has no hard feelings against the clock merely because foreign clocks are taxed 35 per cent; on the contrary, it reminds him of the clock factories of Connecticut and the thousands of hands to whom they give employment, and who in their turn give a market and an increased value to every adjacent farm. Breakfast over- by the way, American importers bring his tea direct from China, not via Montreal or London - he takes to his farm implements. Foreign implements, such as spades, shovels, hoes, forks, rakes, etc., are taxed 35 per cent; wooden pails, tubs, churns, etc., 35 per cent, and plows, harrows, seed-sowers, cultivators, mowers, reapers, threshing-machines, etc., 35 per cent; and in 1860, when the battle of the Morrill tariff was being fought in Congress, the agents of the great Bedford and Leicester firms predicted that an import duty on their goods would ruin farming in the United States. He has discovered, however, that this is not true. Home factories have sprung up everywhere, and the keen competition has not only kept down prices, but incited the inventive genius of the American mechanic, so that Yankee farm implements have become the cheapest and best in the world. The heavy and cumbrous English machines are being driven from the foreign markets and even from the English market itself, which McCormick, of Chicago, has invaded with great success. In fact when our farmer contemplates the amazing growth and proportions of this industry it occurs to him that the Eng CHAPTER V. The Protected American Farmer. "The time has come for the people of the United States to declare themselves in favor of free seas and progressive Free Trade throughout the world." - Democratic National Platforms, 1856 and 1860. "We remit the discussion of the subject [the tariff] to the people in their Congressional districts, and to the decision of the Congress thereon, wholly free from Executive interference or dictation." Democratic National Platform, 1868. "That this Convention hereby indorses and recommends the early passage of the [Mills] bill for the reduction of the revenue, now pending in the House of Representatives." Democratic National Platform, 1888. ... ... "The Protective system must be maintained. We denounce the Mills Bill as destructive to... the Farming interests of the country. We condemn the proposition of the Democratic party to place wool on the free list, and we insist that the duties thereon shall be adjusted and maintained so as to furnish full and adequate Protection to that industry." -Republican National Platform, 1888. PART I. The benefits of the Republican American Protective System to the American Farmer-The proofs by Henry C. Carey, Hon. J. T. Updegraff, a Canadian Farmer, Hon. Nathan Goff, and an American Mechanic. Henry C. Carey's Proofs. Henry C. Carey, the political economist, in his Harmony of Interests, Agricultural, Manufacturing, and Commercial (1872), says: Who, now, were the losers by the greatly increased difficulty of obtaining this great instrument [iron] of civilization? To answer this question, we must first inquire who are the great consumers of iron? The farmers and planters constitute three-fourths of the population of the nation, and if the loss were equally distributed, that portion of the loss would fall upon them: but we shall find, upon inquiry, that it is upon them, the producers of all we consume, that the whole of it must fall. The farmer needs iron for his spades and ploughs, his shovels and his dung-forks, his trace-chains, and his horse-shoes, and his wagon-wheels; for his house, his barn, and his stable. He needs them, too, for his timber. If iron be abundant, saws are readily obtained, and the saw-miller takes his place by his side, and he has his timber converted into plank at the cost of less labor than was before required to haul the logs to the distant saw-mill. He obtains the use of millsaws cheap. If iron be abundant, the grist-mill comes to his neighborhood, and now he has his grain converted into flour, giving for the work less grain than was before consumed by the horses and men employed in carrying it to the distant mill. If iron be abundant, spades and picks are readily obtained, and the roads are mended, and he passes more readily to the distant market. If iron increase in abundance, the railroad enables him to pass with increased facility, himself, he was entirely shut out by cost of transportation, except as regards articles of small bulk and much value mill comes, and his wool is converted on the spot by -wheat and cotton. If iron be abundant, the woollenmen who eat on the ground his cabbage and his veal, and drink his milk, and perform the work of conversion in return for services and things that would have been lost had they not been thus consumed. At each step he gets the use of iron cheaper-that is, at less cost of labor. If iron be abundant, the cotton-mill now comes, and the iron road now brings the cotton, and his sons and his daughters obtain the use of iron spindles and iron looms by which they are enabled to clothe themselves at one-twentieth of the cost of labor that had been necessary but twenty years before. Instead of a yard of cotton received in return for two bushels of corn, one bushel of corn pays for six yards of cloth- and now it is that the farmer grows rich. A careful examination of society will satisfy the inquirer that all the people engaged in the work of transportation, conversion, and exchange are but the agents of the producers, and live out of the commodi. ties they produce, and that the producers grow rich or remain poor precisely as they are required to employ less or more persons in the making of their exchanges. The farmer who is compelled to resort to the distant mill employs many persons, horses, and wagons in the work of converting his grain into flour, and his land is of small value, Bring the mill close to him, and a single horse and cart, occasionally employed, will do the work. The farmer who employs the people of England to produce his iron, is obliged to have the services of numerous persons, of ships and wagons, and horses, to aid in the work. Bring the furnace to his side, and let his neighbor get out his iron, and he and his sons do much of the work themselves, furnishing timber, ore, and the use of horses, wagons, etc., when not needed on the farm. The man of Tennessee sends to market 300 bushels of corn, for which he receives in return one ton of iron, the money-cost of which is $60, but the laborcost of which is the cultivation of ten acres of land. If he could follow his corn, he would find that the men who get out his iron receive but 30 or 40 bushels, and that the remaining 260 or 270 are swallowed up by the numerous transporters and exchangers that stand |