Слике страница
PDF
ePub

common to all parts of the monarchy to the allowances for the civil list, to the relations with foreign countries, the marine, and the posts and telegraphs. In this manner the ordinary revenue would be about sufficient for the expenses; and the normal budget could be established on a fixed and invariable basis, which would only be changed by a mutual agreement between the various parts of the monarchy.

"2. The King of Denmark, having fulfilled his promises as regards the organization of the Duchy of Schleswig, the Powers who signed the protocol of London, of 1852, should put forth a declaration acknowledging this fact, and guaranteeing the cessation, for the future, of all German interference in the affairs of that duchy.

"3. To insure the efficiency of the two first conditions, it would be necessary to add that of the neutralization of the territory of Holstein, which would be placed under the guarantee of the Powers who signed the protocol of London.

"Having offered these three principal points for the consideration of the Cabinets of London, Paris, and St. Petersburg, I wish to add a few short observations, which, without exhausting a question that, as a whole, demands the very fullest examination, will touch upon certain questions of detail, which it is essential to elucidate from the very first.

"Ad 1. This project being contained in that which would place Holstein in a similar position to that held by Luxemburg, it would seem that the Danish Government could raise no objection, and the Confederation could hardly refuse to one of its members a position which another already occupies without any objection on the part of the Federal authority. As regards the army of Holstein, it might, if the third point were fully carried out, be restricted to a body of gendarmes destined to act as police, and for the maintenance of public tranquillity. It should be understood that Holstein, while preserving its autonomy, should be able, if the States of that duchy desired it, to obtain the same guarantees and constitutional privileges as the rest of the monarchy.

"Ad 2. The alleged motive of the interference of Germany in the interior affairs of the Duchy of Schleswig has always been the difference of treatment accorded by the Danish Government to its Danish and German subjects. We do not wish to assert that, although bearing strong marks of exaggeration, these complaints appear to us entirely destitute of foundation. But if the Danish Government, whose liberal principles are generally acknowledged, has not thought fit to grant unlimited liberty to the use of the German language, to the exercise of religion, and to education in this language, can there be any other motive than the apprehension that the extension of Germanism may prove a cause of the territorial encroachments of Germany, and also a means by which they may be brought about? These encroachments once for all arrested in the proposed manner, their apprehension would lose, when there was no longer occasion for it, all excuse for practical application; and we do not doubt that the Powers who would support this arrangement would have no difficulty in obtaining from the Danish Government a promise to concede to those of its subjects who are of German race, and who speak the German language, the most complete liberty and privileges identical with those already enjoyed by the Danish inhabitants of the duchy.

"It would, perhaps, be well to allude here to a mode of solution suggested some years ago, which consists in a proposed partition of Schleswig between

Denmark and Holstein according to their respective nationalities. This project, although it appears at first sight to offer many specious advantages, is not, in our opinion, likely to decide the dispute. It is very repugnant to Denmark, which, we are convinced, would only be induced to submit to it by force; and it would not be more popular in Holstein, which would not be likely to regard this concession as a sufficient one. It appears to us to be wrong in principle, since it admits that the character of the soil would be changed in virtue of a foreign immigration, and it would include, in our opinion, a flagrant injustice by augmenting the territory of a great Powerto which Schleswig has never belonged, at the expense of a Power already relatively much more feeble. Besides, to establish a frontier according to nationality, would be to take a stand upon untenable ground; and such a principle once recognized, the German element would extend itself to the Skagern by successively claiming as belonging to Germany the districts in which this element would gradually have acquired preponderance, which, if this point were once admitted, would certainly not be wanting.

"The proposed declaration on the part of the Powers who signed the protocol of London does not contain for most of them any innovation on their public right. The indissoluble union of the Duchy of Schleswig with Denmark, properly so called, has been, as you are aware, M. le Comte, guaranteed at different times: on the part of France, by the Act of Guarantee of June 14, 1720; on the part of Great Britain, by the guarantee dated the 26th July of the same year; and on the part of Russia, by the provisional treaty of May 22, 1767; by the final treaty of the 21st of May, 1773, and also by the Act of Guarantee and Renunciation of the 31st of May, 1773; and, lastly, on the part of Sweden, by the treaty of the 3rd of June, 1720. It will then only be necessary to introduce into the general public law of Europe a provision which has already been inserted in that of each of the declaring Powers.

"Ad 3. If the principle of the neutralization of Holstein, with a view to the establishment of a barrier between Germany and Denmark, were once admitted, it would be necessary then to inquire what modifications would result from this state of things in the relations of the duchy with the Confederation, and if it would not be well to replace the contingents of that duchy and of Lauenburg by a fixed sum, to be paid annually into the Federal treasury, and which should be calculated to be equivalent to the maintenance of the troops of which the 10th division of the Federal army would thus be deprived.

"We do not conceal from ourselves that these three propositions, and especially the last, will meet with strong opposition from Germany; and they cannot be carried into effect except in virtue of European necessity to be recognized by a previous understanding of the non-German Powers, who agreed to the Convention of London. The losses and sacrifices to which the Confederation would be exposed from its acceptance of them, would naturally give rise to a just and suitable compensation."

On the 12th April, Lord John Russell received a communication from Mr. Ward, of Hamburg, stating that the States of Holstein had further resolved, in accordance with the report of the Committee, as follows:

"To reject the project of law forming the second part of the Government propositions touching the provisional position of Holstein in regard to the common affairs of the monarchy;

"To accept with certain modifications the project of law forming the

third part of the Government propositions, being a new special Constitution for Holstein, but only on condition that the provisorium for Holstein, resolved on by the Federal Diet, March 8, 1860, shall take effect, which condition amounts to a rejection of the project, as the Danish Government has no intention to introduce the provisorium;

"To notify to the Federal Diet the objections entertained by the States to the Government propositions.

"The States also resolved yesterday upon the question of the budgetthat the Assembly declined to enter, in the way proposed by the Government, upon a discussion of the propositions designated as a budget for the share of the Duchy of Holstein in the common expenditure and receipts for 1861-62, and that a paragraph conformable to this declaration should be inserted in their objections.

"This last resolution was founded upon a supplementary report of the Committee. This supplementary report is divided into three heads. Under the first is contained a formal declaration that no budget for the monarchy had been laid before the States. Under the second are explained the reasons why it would have been useless for the States to treat as a budget the proposals of the Government, as it was clear that a veto would not be allowed them. The third head vindicates the competency of the States to lay their complaints before the Federal Diet.

"It is supposed that the Assembly of the States will be dissolved to-morrow, as the further sitting cannot be attended with any utility. The Danish Government must have known from the beginning that their proposals would not be acceptable to the States, and that the latter would not consider the so-much-talked-of section 13 as a formal budget, such as would satisfy the demand of the Federal Diet. The Danish Government does not, therefore, appear to have been sincerely desirous of complying with the resolution of the Diet, and of thereby averting the impending execution."

On the 13th April, 1861, Lord A. Loftus called the attention of Lord John Russell to the ambiguous language all along used by Denmark towards the States of Holstein, and in a memorandum on the question where the conduct of the Royal Commissioners and other circumstances are taken into account, he brought out the great perplexity in which_the Holstein States were placed from the unsatisfactory language and conduct

of Denmark.

On the 19th April, Lord John Russell sent a despatch to Lord A. Loftus to the following effect :"Her Majesty's Government have watched, with concern and anxiety, the progress of the differences which have arisen between Germany and Denmark.

"It appears to her Majesty's Government that these difficulties are still susceptible of arrangement, but that, if the federal execution should take place, there is great danger that questions more difficult of solution may arise. On the Danish side, a blockade of German ports may be instituted, which would at once bring Germany and Denmark into a state of war. On the German side, the presence of a German army in Holstein would revive the question of Schleswig, a question upon which the passions of Germany are greatly excited. Another danger arises from the existence of a dispute concerning the frontier, a dispute which affects the town of Rendsburg and the harbour of Kiel. Thus a war between Denmark and

Germany may spring out of these Holstein troubles, and the independence and integrity of Denmark may be in jeopardy.

"Yet, when the cause of quarrel is examined, there appears no reason for hazarding such fearful consequences. As her Majesty's Government understand the matter, the German Confederation have asked two things:1. That the quota of the common budget of the monarchy which affects Holstein should be submitted to the States of Holstein. 2. That the laws which are to affect Holstein shall not be valid in Holstein without the assent of the Diet of Holstein.

"The recent discussions in Holstein regard only the first of these conditions. Her Majesty's Government, in concert with France, Russia, and Sweden, advised the Danish Government to submit the quota of the budget which affects Holstein to the Diet of Holstein.

"It is much to be regretted that, instead of at once accepting this proposal, the Danish Government asked the consent of the States of Holstein to a complicated scheme of constitution for the whole monarchy. This scheme being rejected by the States of Holstein, the question of the budget again returns.

"The conclusion at which I arrive is, that in the present state of these affairs there is no sufficient ground for a federal execution by the German Confederation. Admitting the justice of their demands on the King of Denmark, as I have stated them, the whole dispute is, as I have said, susceptible of an amicable arrangement. While, on the other hand, a federal execution is full of dangers, and ought only to be adopted after every means of conciliation has been exhausted."

And on the same date Lord John Russell sent the following despatch to Earl Cowley, sending similar ones to Lord Napier and Mr. Jerningham :

"Without adverting to the long and intricate history of the disputes which, for the last thirteen years, have excited the passions of the German and Danish people, and now threaten to place the Confederation in a state of conflict with the kingdom of Denmark, her Majesty's Government wish to place before the Government of his Majesty the Emperor of the French propositions which, in their view, are calculated to bring these disputes to an amicable termination. The first two of the following propositions contain, it is believed, the substance of the demands of the Diet of Germany upon the subject of Holstein and Lauenburg; the others relate to the Duchy of Schleswig, but the whole arrangement is founded upon the stipulations of 1852. 1. That the quota of the common budget of the monarchy which affects the Duchies of Holstein and Lauenburg should be submitted to the States of Holstein and Lauenburg respectively for their assent, amendment, or rejection. 2. That the laws which are to affect the Duchies of Holstein and Lauenburg shall be submitted to the Diets of Holstein and Lauenburg respectively for their assent, amendment, or rejection. 3. That the Duchy of Schleswig shall send representatives to the Parliament of Denmark, to vote in that Parliament the common expenses of the monarchy, and to vote on all laws affecting the monarchy. 4. That the separate Diet of Schleswig shall continue to be elected and to meet according to the present law. The functions of that Diet to consist in voting such sums as may be necessary for the maintenance of churches and schools and other local expenses, and in providing by equal laws for the welfare of the Danish, German, and other inhabitants of Schleswig. 5. When those terms are assented to, and solemnly proclaimed by the King of Denmark,

the four Powers, viz., France, Great Britain, Russia, and Sweden, to guarantee to the Crown of Denmark the possession of the Duchy of Schleswig. 6. That commissioners should be appointed, one on the part of Denmark, one on the part of Germany, and one on the part of the four Powers, to define the boundary of the Duchy of Schleswig. The guarantee mentioned in a former article to comprise the duchy thus defined and bounded. 7. That the treaty and engagements of 1852, so far as they are not altered by these articles, should be inviolably maintained.

"I trust that all the Powers concerned will see in these propositions an evidence of the anxious desire of her Majesty's Government to do justice to all parties, and to save both Denmark and Holstein from the chances and calamities of war."

In answer to the despatch of Count Manderström, Lord John Russell wrote to Mr. Jerningham that her Majesty's Government have considered with great attention the long and able despatch of Count Manderström to Count Platen of the date of 29th of March. That her Majesty's Government acknowledged the force of the observation of Count Manderström on the danger to be feared for Denmark from the dispute between Germany and Denmark, and upon the obligations incumbent upon Great Britain, as well from the treaties she has signed as from her regard for the maintenance of the independence and integrity of Denmark, to promote to the utmost the prevention of the impending conflict. Turning from these general considerations to the practical proposals of Count Manderström, Lord John Russell was sorry to say he could not express the same agreement. With regard to the first proposal, he would only say that, so far as it fulfilled the requirements of the German Confederation, it met the views of her Majesty's Government. With regard to the second, however, it was not in his power to say that the King of Denmark had fulfilled his promises in relation to the organization of the Duchy of Schleswig. Although this might be technically true, yet, in spirit, these promises could hardly be said to be fulfilled. With regard to the third proposal, her Majesty's Government could not expect that Germany, by consenting to the neutrality of the Duchy of Holstein, would in effect consent to deprive herself of an important part of the territory of the Confederation. As the chance of obtaining that consent appeared to her Majesty's Government infinitely small, there was no need of discussing the policy of the Swedish proposition.

On the 8th May Lord John Russell sent the following more enlarged despatch on the Holstein question to Earl Cowley, Lord Napier, and Mr. Jerningham:

"In order to enable the Governments to whom our proposals respecting the affairs of Denmark and Germany have been communicated, to understand clearly the views and intentions of her Majesty's Government, I propose in this despatch to enter into full explanations. The first two proposals in my despatch of the 19th ultimo are intended to meet and to satisfy the requirements of the German Confederation. Her Majesty's Government have never proposed to interfere with the decision of the Diet of Frankfort in regard to a State forming part of the Confederation. When the Diet by an unanimous vote has interpreted the obligations of a State belonging to the Confederation in a certain sense, her Majesty's Government do not pretend to give to the federal act a different sense. They do

« ПретходнаНастави »