tempted him to pride. With the advice and approval of Bishop Tubia 'Avn, and of others like him, he took and concerted measures necessary for the execution of the same.

They perceived that the most efficient means for the realization of their designs was unanimity, from which unity of purpose proceeds, and, since they saw it was possible for some of the chiefs of their people to rely on their own numbers, and refuse to act in concert with them, especially as the greater number of these chiefs were men of wealth, and surrounded by comforts, besides being known for their sentiments of kindness to women and children, to say nothing of their patriotism, they (the bishops) set themselves to work to undermine the consideration enjoyed by these chiefs, and to abrogate their rights, setting up in their stead persons who entertained similar views with themselves, and who would be mere tools in their own hands. In proof of this may be cited what occurred at Beytu'l-Khazin, at Beyt-Jeyshed, and at other fiefs of the Christians, where they were expelled, their property was seized, and Tanoss Shahin, with others, were set up in their stead; also the spread of this same evil to the districts of Kati, Meten, &c.

Another requisite for their plans was the confidence (?) of their people, for herewith power is fortified. The proof that they set to work to secure this confidence consists in their having written and distributed pledge documents among the inhabitants of all the villages, binding them to act in concert, and in blind confidence. The purport of these documents became known, and several were got possession of, when they were found to contain that which is above set forth, and the wording of the whole was identical.

A third requisite was an alliance with the other Christian people, since thereby they would not only be directly strengthened, but would also be guaranteed from their opposition, for, in the two former risings, a considerable number had refused to participate in their proceedings, by reason that it was obvious that, after achieving the object of their desires, the Maronites would turn upon them and treat them as they had done others, unless they embraced Maronitism. The proof of this idea is the strenuous effort made to display affection, and to parade an unusual show of conciliation; also the issue of proclamations and manifestoes by the patriarch and bishops to the whole sect, to the effect that they should behave towards the people of other Christian denominations as if they were the children of one sole race, and to the Khawarina [priests?] to the effect that they might frequent their (Maronite) churches, be present at their masses and burials, contrary to what had been the custom. We saw all this in more places than one, and it was established beyond doubt by a multitude of people.

A fourth requisite was the existence of delegates, in the nature of a public assembly, in each of their principal parishes, who might be the organs for addressing and advising, and from whom might emanate orders and dispositions, for thereby ideas might be strengthened. The proof of this is the organisation of delegates in Beyrout, Zahleh, Deir-el Kamar, Kesrawan, and other places, as is well known. The principal of these assemblies was the assembly at Beyrout.

A fifth requisite was the creation of " chiefs of the young men," whom these latter might obey; for by this means it became easier for them to carry their plans into execution. The proof of this is what took place, and was publicly known in respect to the appointment of "chiefs of the young

men" in every village and plantation, even in the towns, and, what is more still, in the very centre of Government, in Beyrout itself.

The sixth was the general armament of the people of the sect, so that their strength might be augmented. The proof of their efforts to gain this point consists in what was seen as to the distribution of great quantities of arms from Beyrout to every place. This distribution was effected principally by means of the Khawarina [priests ?] people. When inquiry was made as to the necessity for this measure, and as to payment for the arms, since it occurred in a season of distress, when most of them were in want of necessary food, let alone the means of paying for these arms in large quantities, the answer was given that they were for their own protection, and, according to the tenor of the bills of exchange, the time of payment was fixed for a future date. It afterwards became evident that these bills of exchange were a mere feint, and that the arms were from the " company" formed at Beyrout, for conducting the affairs of the rising.

For the space of about six months, also, Bishop Tubia occupied himself in the formation of a Christian Committee at Antalias; and, according to what transpired, his chief design, in the formation of this committee, was the enrolment of young men in every place, and to learn who among them was unarmed, so that arms might be furnished to them. When he found that he could not carry out this design, he took other steps to arrive at the desired knowledge by means of the Khawarina [priests ?] people.

Another measure was the instruction of the young men in military exercises. The proof that they exerted themselves to accomplish this object consists in what was seen as to their furnishing drill-masters to the greater number of their villages, to teach the sword exercise, equitation (?), and ball practice, &c.

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Another, again, was the getting rid from among themselves of all strangers to their sect, as far as was possible, so as to be safe from a divulgation of their secrets, not to mention their own security of mind. The proof of this is that Mussulmans and people of the Mute'evvila sect (Metuali) are found inhabiting Kesrawan, Tutuh, and their districts; these were urged to take their departure from among them, or to adopt the Maronite creed, since they were few in number. In fact, a considerable number were constrained to embrace the Maronite faith; and those who adhered to their old professions were left in bad circumstances. The exertions of the Bishop Tubia reached that point that he threatened the wife of the Emir Sulaymanel-Metin, and also her two sons, who were Mussulmen, until they entered the Maronite community. He also excited the Emir Mejid, one of the grandsons of the Emir Beshir Shahabi, and promised him that, if he would begin the rising, he would procure his nomination as Kaimakam of the whole Mountain. This was with the view to induce him to become a Christian again, and to make him pleased with the idea of re-entering the Maronite community, for the said Emir had professed Islamism at Constantinople. In fine, they left nothing undone that might facilitate the execution of their designs, and to such a point that, if they were all to be mentioned, the tale would never end.

As soon as it was perceived that the arrangements were completed as they desired, and that the 'preparations for their designs were all carried out in the best manner, as above detailed, the committee of Beyrout began to write to the districts, and to require the attendance of delegates from each place. The confident bearing of the Christians, also, and their warlike

aspirations, became more and more conspicuous; as did also their pressing invitations to join them, and their promises of immense advantages, such as the distribution of ammunition, the furnishing provisions (or pay), and everything needful for war; so that, in a short space of time, they rose in open revolt and made public manifestations of being in a state of warfare.

They began, in the first place, to take possession of the highways, to rob and ill-treat travellers, and to oppress those newly (established ?). All this while the Druses took no heed of what was happening, and their chieftains were using every effort and endeavour to preserve and perpetuate tranquillity, making continued representations to the principal Christians and those known for their wisdom, and exhorting them to remain quiet and peaceable, and to refrain from such acts, warning them at the same time of the evil consequences. The only effect, however, was that these latter became more and more excited and unsettled, until at length, on Friday night, the 15th of Ramazan [6th April, 1860?], while a Druse muleteer, of the village of Ba'Kalin, one of the dependencies of the (fief or) manor of Shuf, was passing the night in the caravanserai named Khanu-'l-Kas'a, and situated in the vicinity of the village of El-Hids, a dependency of the deputy-governorship [Kaimakamate] of the Christians, a posse of Maronites came upon him from the village, and fired upon him as he slept; they then cut him to pieces with their swords, and left him strewed about. Nothing was done in this matter, further than representing the facts to the authorities in the usual manner.

A certain interval elapsed after this, the public excitement increasing from one day to another. Then was seen the commencement of the formation of military corps in the district of Kesrawan, in the neighbourhood of Beyrout and elsewhere.

Again, on the 23rd of the month of Shewwal [14th May, 1860, three Druses, muleteers, of the village of Ma'asir, were returning from the town of Sidon; and on their arriving in the vicinity of the bridge of that place, they were set upon by a rabble of armed men from among the Maronites of Kaytula, a village in the district of Jazin, and various other places, who fired at them, killing two of the number, and leaving the other at the point of death. When news of this event reached the relatives of the slain, great excitement was caused, but instant measures were adopted to calm it. Two days later, however, as several Christians of the district of Jizin were passing beneath the village of Kahtuniyya, situated within the fief of Shuf, they chanced to meet with some Druses, and fire was opened on both sides, three of the Christians losing their lives on the occasion.

Intelligence of this having reached Jazin, the inhabitants became greatly moved, and a party set out, declaring war against the district of Shuf. Upon which steps were taken to lay the matter before the authorities. Orders were immediately given for the especial despatch of an officer and fifty horsemen, who were also accompanied by commissioners on the part of the Ka'im-makam (deputy-governor), from among the members of the Council and others, with a sufficient number of horsemen ; so that, with the cognizance of the lord of the manor (Mukata'aji) of those places, Sa'id Bey Janbulat, the necessary measures might be carried into execution under the circumstances.

When this party reached the village of Muktara, the residence of the above-mentioned lord of the manor, it was judged best to send two messen

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gers to treat (?) with Kahluniyya and Kaytula, as was the usual custom. The inhabitants of Kahluniyya accepted the terms proposed (?), but the men of Kaytula flew to arms, and drove away the messengers in a most insolent manner, acting under the advice of Abu Semra, "chief of the young men" of the district.

The excitement in this part of the country then rose to an extreme pitch, and every symbol declaratory of war was displayed. All kinds of endeavours were made to counsel moderation to them, and to set them right; but their arrogance was only increased thereby.

The delegate of the Christians of Hazub (or Kharub), too, named Dahir Nasif, rose up in arms declaring war, and a body of the Christians of that district collected about him in the village of Burjeyn, where he resided. On Monday, the first of the month of Zi-'l-ki'da (21st May, 1860), he met with a Mussulman of his village, assailed him with his arms, and wounded him. And on the same day a large party of horsemen sallied forth from the village of Zahleh, proceeding to the plain of Bekaa, where they commenced molesting the cattle and the men of the Druses that they found in those quarters. This party established themselves in the village of Kabr-Elyas, situated at the foot of the Mountain. On the same day another party, inhabitants of Kesrawan, made incursion as far as the Dog river (Nehru-lKelb), and there commenced the formation of a corps, under the command of Tanoss Shahin.

On Saturday, the sixth of the month of Zi-'l-ki'da (26th May), some individual Druses of the village of Beshamun were going to find some of their relatives who were among the irrigators working on the river of Beyrout. When they had arrived in the neighbourhood of the kitchengarden of the oil-presser, situated on the bank of the river, they were met by the Christians assembled there, who demanded their arms. They refused to give them up; but those latter continued to press them until they entered a house there. This was surrounded, and the menace was held out that unless they gave up their arms, the house should be burnt down over them. Several of them then gave in, but others threw themselves into the outer premises out of the windows (?) Cavasses (?) were sent after these, who came up with them in the direction of the city. At this juncture they were met by Eyyub, of Tripoli, one of the committee of delegates at Beyrout, and author of this plot. With him was an armed band, who immediately commenced firing on them, killing one, and wounding a second badly, so that he died in consequence.

The day following, a Maronite of Deir-el-Kamar was proceeding on the road of the above-mentioned place, and had reached the shop of 'Aynab, when he was met by some relatives of those killed in the way above recited. They fired at him and killed him; and when the intelligence reached Deir-el-Kamar, it produced great excitement among the inhabitants, and they commenced a perquisition among the Druses there present, and found a Druse man from Kafr-Fakud, whom they shot, and he died.

On the next day, Sunday [27th May], by reason of what had happened at the deir (convent), great excitement occurred in the manor of Shahar, and the whole Maronite population thereof assembled in the village of Mu'allaka, and displayed the emblems of war.

On the morrow, Monday [28th May], a full court of employés, the members of the provincial council, and the notables of the city, was held at

Beyrout, in the presence of his Excellency the Governor of the province, and the Bishop Tubia was sent for. A debate was held as to what should be done to abate the existing disturbances, and to disperse the gatherings of the Christians, which had extended up to the boundaries of Beyrout, and to cause them to depart to their homes. The resolution was taken to put in motion, with all despatch, the troops of the imperial forces, who were, accordingly, moved out that very day to the lands of Hazimiyya; also, that confidential persons on the part of his said Excellency, and the dean or archdeacon (vakil) of the said bishop, should be sent to Tanoss Shahin, to exhort him to withdraw from what he had undertaken, and to disperse the band collected about him; and although the bishop made an appeal to notify his disapproval of this arrangement, and declared he could do nothing in the matter, it was still thought the best that could be done; so he became satisfied, and sent his dean with the confidential persons, who went together to Tanoss. But nothing came of this, excepting that in the evening of that same day a large body of men from that army entered the village of Ba'bada, in the confines of the village of Shuweyfat, the place of residence of the Druse Kaimakam, whence, to the manor of Kesrawan, is a distance of about five hours' journey. All the Christians of the district assembled there also.

The Kaimakam (deputy-governor) immediately sent in a report to the authorities and to the consuls his well-wishers (?). His Excellency the Governor gave orders that confidential persons should be sent to advise the chiefs present in the said village, and to turn away that army from prosecuting its designs. They had peremptory instructions to disband it. The answer was, that of a certainty they would complete that which they had undertaken in point of smiting the Druses; and that if the regular troops should interfere, they would fight them also. Not satisfied with this, the Kaimakam again sent confidential persons to the said chiefs to ask for the dispersion of the assemblage, and the dismissal of every one to his home, and the withdrawal from this enterprise, the cause of universal trouble. As a last argument, the reply was that they had opened the banners of war, and there was no way left to close them again.

On the same day, a large body of the Maronites of Jerur Kesrawan and Kati' advanced upon the lands of the meadows which are in the advanced parts of the manor of Metu; and on the next day, Tuesday [29th May], the Khuri (priest?) of Busheriyya, one of the arable districts of Beyrout, went out with a large assembly, having in his hand a flag of war, and advanced with them in the intent of attacking the Druses of Beyt-Meri, situated in the direction of the Meten. When they were nigh upon entering the village, Ibrahim Agha (an officer of the hired troops, stationed there by the provincial authorities to prevent the causes, among the inhabitants, on the part of daring people, of what had happened in former years), and the elders (or an old woman) of the Druses of the village, went to the Emir Yusuf-Ali-Ebu-l-Lam', the lord of the manor, and begged him to send back this khuri and his band, and to prevent warfare. The Emir did his best to attain those results; but, seeing that he had no power over them, he told the Druses to evacuate the village. They forsook their homes immediately, so as to avoid all cause (for trouble), and betook themselves in the direction of the village of the Druses. When they arrived outside the village, they saw this band enter it and commence burning the houses thereof. They suddenly set out in pursuit of them, intending to destroy