ΣΟΦΟΚΛΕΟΥΣ ΑΝΤΙΓΟΝΗ I. ΑΡΙΣΤΟΦΑΝΟΥΣ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΚΟΥ ΥΠΟΘΕΣΙΣ. ̓Αντιγόνη παρὰ τὴν πρόσταξιν τῆς πόλεως θάψασα τὸν Πολυνείκην ἐφωράθη, καὶ εἰς μνημεῖον κατάγειον ἐντεθεῖσα παρὰ τοῦ Κρέοντος ἀνῄρηται· ἐφ' ᾗ καὶ Αἵμων δυσπαθήσας διὰ τὸν εἰς αὐτὴν ἔρωτα ξίφει ἑαυτὸν διεχειρίσατο. ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ τούτου θανάτῳ καὶ ἡ μήτηρ Ευρυδίκη ἑαυτὴν ἀνεῖλε. κεῖται ἡ μυθοποιΐα καὶ παρὰ Εὐριπίδῃ ἐν ̓Αντιγόνῃ· πλὴν ἐκεῖ φωραθεῖσα μετὰ τοῦ Αἵμονος δίδοται πρὸς γάμου κοινωνίαν καὶ τέκνον τίκτει τὸν Μαίονα. 5 ἡ μὲν σκηνὴ τοῦ δράματος ὑπόκειται ἐν Θήβαις ταῖς Βοιωτικαῖς. ὁ δὲ χορὸς συνέστηκεν ἐξ ἐπιχωρίων γερόντων. προλογίζει ἡ ̓Αντιγόνη ὑπό- 10 κειται δὲ τὰ πράγματα ἐπὶ τῶν Κρέοντος βασιλείων. τὸ δὲ κεφάλαιόν ἐστι τάφος Πολυνείκους, Αντιγόνης ἀναίρεσις, θάνατος Αἵμονος καὶ μόρος Εὐρυδίκης τῆς Αἵμονος μητρός. φασὶ δὲ τὸν Σοφοκλέα ἠξιῶσθαι τῆς ἐν Σάμῳ στρατηγίας εὐδοκιμήσαντα ἐν τῇ διδασκαλίᾳ τῆς ̓Αντιγόνης. λέλεκται δὲ τὸ δρᾶμα τοῦτο τριακοστὸν δεύτερον. 2 ἀνῄρηται] An aorist, not a perfect, is required: ἐφωράθη precedes, διεχειρί σατο follows. Nauck conjectures ἀνηρέθη, Wecklein ἀνήρτησεν ἑαυτήν, which Bellermann approves. But ἀνῄρηται, though a solecism, may nevertheless be genuine, if the ascription of this Argument to Aristophanes is erroneous, as is now generally held to be the case with regard to some other ὑποθέσεις which bear his name. The use of the perfect in place of the aorist is not rare in scholia of the later age. Thus on Thuc. 3. 68, τὴν δὲ γῆν δημοσιώσαντες ἀπεμίσθωσαν, the schol. has ἐπὶ μισθῷ δεδώκασιν. As here we have έφωράθη—ἀνῄρηται-διεχειρίσατο, so on Thuc. I. 2o the schol. gives ἐλίμωξέ ποτε ἡ ̓Αττική, καὶ λύσις ἦν τῶν δεινῶν, παίδων σφαγή. Λεὼς οὖν τις τὰς ἑαυτοῦ κόρας ἐπιδέδωκε καὶ ἀπήλλαξε τοῦ λιμοῦ τὴν πόλιν. So, too, on Thuc. 2. 95 the schol. has ὡς δὲ οὐδὲν ἀποδέδωκε πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ Περδίκκας ἅπερ ὑπέσχετο, ἐστράτευσε κατ' αὐτοῦ. More on this subject may be seen in my 15 Appendix to Vincent and Dickson's Handbook of Modern Greek, 2nd ed., p. 328 (Macmillan, 1881). 4 διεχειρίσατο L, and so most recent edd.: διαχειρίζεσθαι is thus used by Polybius, Plutarch, and others. The commoner reading here was διεχρήσατο, as in the Argument to the Ajax διαχρήσασθαι (where now διαχειρίσασθαι is usually read); and in the same Argument ἑαυτὸν διαχρῆται (v.). διαχειρίζεται) is still generally retained. 7 μετὰ τοῦ Αἵμονος L: τῷ Αἵμονι cod. Dresd. D. 183, which may be a corruption of μετὰ τοῦτο Αἵμονι, as Bellermann thinks. 8 Μαίονα Nauck, comparing Il. 4. 394 Maiwv Aiμovidns.—aïuova L, and so Dindorf, who says that L has μαίδον" in the margin; but it seems rather to be μαίμονα. ΑΡΙΣΤΟΦΑΝΟΥΣ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΚΟΥ] Aristophanes of Byzantium, librarian at Alexandria (flor. 200 B. C.), to whom the metrical argument for the Oedipus Tyrannus is also ascribed in the MSS., but incorrectly: see Oed. Tyr. p. 4. Though the genuineness of this prose voléσis has not such a prima facie case against it as exists against that of all the metrical arguments ascribed to Aristophanes, it must at least be regarded as very doubtful. If the perfect ȧvýpraι in line 2 is sound, it is an indication of much later age, as has been shown in the critical note above. Another such indication, I think, is the phrase εἰς μνημεῖον κατάγειον ἐντεθεῖσα παρὰ (instead of ὑπὸ) τοῦ Κρέοντος (1. 2), ‚—a later (and modern) use of the prep. which does not surprise us in Salustius (Arg. 11. 1. 11 παρὰ τοῦ Κρέοντος κωλύεται), but which would be strange in the Alexandrian scholar of circ. 200 B. C. In the Laurentian Ms. this Argument precedes, while the other two follow, the play. 6 ἐν ̓Αντιγόνῃ] Only some 21 small fragments remain (about 40 verses in all), and these throw no light on the details of the plot. 8 τὸν Μαίονα. This reading is made almost certain by the mention of ‘Maion, son of Haemon' in I. 4. 394, coupled with the fact that L has Maluova in the margin (see cr. n.). But the reading μετὰ τοῦ Aluovos just before is doubtful. If it is sound, then we must understand: 'having been discovered in company with Haemon, she was given in marriage (to him).' But I am strongly inclined to think that the conjecture μετὰ τοῦτο τῷ Αΐμονι (which would explain the v.7. r Alμovi) is right. Dindorf differs from other interpreters in supposing that it was not Haemon, but someone else—perhaps a nameless avтoupyós, as in the case of the Euripidean Electra—to whom Euripides married Antigone: and he reads tíktei tòv Aluova. We have then to suppose that Antigone marked her affection for her lost lover by giving his name to her son by the auroupyós. At the end of the scholia in L we find these words:-"OTL διαφέρει τῆς Εὐριπίδου Αντιγόνης αὕτη, ὅτι φωραθεῖσα ἐκείνη διὰ τὸν Αἵμονος ἔρωτα ἐξεδόθη πρὸς γάμον· ἐνταῦθα δὲ τοὐναντίον. The contrast meant is between her marriage in Euripides and her death in Sophocles: but the words obviously leave it doubtful whether the person to whom Euripides married her was Haemon or not. 13 τῆς ἐν Σάμῳ στρατηγίας] The traditional στρατηγία of Sophocles, and its relation to the production of the Antigone, are discussed in the Introduction. 15 τριακοστὸν δεύτερον] Written λβ in L. The statement seems to have been taken from Alexandrian didaσkaλíaι which gave the plays in chronological order. Sophocles is said to have exhibited for the first time in 468 B.C., aet. 28. See Introd. II. ΣΑΛΟΥΣΤΙΟΥ ΥΠΟΘΕΣΙΣ. Τὸ μὲν δράμα τῶν καλλίστων Σοφοκλέους. στασιάζεται δὲ τὰ περὶ τὴν ἡρωΐδα ἱστορούμενα καὶ τὴν ἀδελφὴν αὐτῆς Ἰσμήνην· ὁ μὲν γὰρ Ἴων ἐν τοῖς διθυράμβοις καταπρησθῆναί φησιν ἀμφοτέρας ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῆς Ἥρας ὑπὸ Λαοδάμαντος τοῦ Ἐτεοκλέους· Μίμνερμος δέ φησι τὴν μὲν Ισμήνην προσομιλοῦσαν Θεοκλυμένῳ ὑπὸ Τυδέως κατὰ ̓Αθηνᾶς ἐγκέλευσιν τελευτῆσαι. 5 ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐστι τὰ ξένως περὶ τῶν ἡρωΐδων ἱστορούμενα. ἡ μέντοι κοινὴ δόξα σπουδαίας αὐτὰς ὑπείληφεν καὶ φιλαδέλφους δαιμονίως, ᾗ καὶ οἱ τῆς τραγῳδίας ποιηταὶ ἑπόμενοι τὰ περὶ αὐτὰς διατέθεινται. τὸ δὲ δρᾶμα τὴν ὀνομασίαν ἔσχεν ἀπὸ τῆς παρεχούσης τὴν ὑπόθεσιν ̓Αντιγόνης. ὑπόκειται δὲ ἄταφον τὸ σῶμα Πολυνείκους, καὶ ̓Αντιγόνη θάπτειν αὐτὸ πειρω- 10 μένη παρὰ τοῦ Κρέοντος κωλύεται. φωραθεῖσα δὲ αὐτὴ θάπτουσα ἀπόλλυται. Αἵμων τε ὁ Κρέοντος ἐρῶν αὐτῆς καὶ ἀφορήτως ἔχων ἐπὶ τῇ τοιαύτῃ συμφορᾷ αὐτὸν διαχειρίζεται· ἐφ ̓ ᾧ καὶ ἡ μήτηρ Ευρυδίκη τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον ἀγχόνῃ. 4 Λαοδάμαντος Brunck (cp. Apollod. 3. 7. 3): Λαομέδοντος MSS. 9 τὴν ὀνομασίαν L: τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν cod. Paris. παρεχούσης Par. Εχούσης L (i.e. περιεχούσης): ΣΑΛΟΥΣΤΙΟΥ] A rhetorician of the 5th cent. A.D.: see on Oed. Col., p. 6.In the Laurentian MS., which alone records him as the writer, this Argument stands at the end of the play, immediately after the anonymous Argument (our III.). Η στασιάζεται, pass., are made subjects of dispute, i.e. are told in conflicting ways, are 'discrepant': a late use of the word, which cannot be deduced from the older, though rare, active use of στασιάζω (τὴν πόλιν, etc.) as 'to involve in party strife.' 2 "Iwv] Of Chios, the poet and prose-writer, flor. circ. 450 B.C. His dithyrambs are occasionally mentioned (schol. on Ar. Pax 835 and on Apollon. Rhod. r. 1165): it is probably from them that Athenaeus quotes (35 E): but only a few words remain. 4 Μίμνερμος] Of Smyrna, the elegiac poet, flor. circ. 620 B.C. 5 Θεοκλυμένῳ] The only persons of this name in Greek mythology seem to be the soothsayer in the Odyssey (Od. 15. 256 etc.), and a son of Proteus (Eur. Helen. 9): Wecklein suggests Ετεόκλῳ, an Argive who was one of the seven leaders against Thebes (O. C. 1316 n.). 6 ξένως] i. e. in a way foreign to the version followed by Sophocles. 14 ἀγχόνη] Eurydice kills herself with a sword (1301). Possibly ἀγχόνῃ should follow ἀπόλλυται in l. ii (cp. Arg. III. 1. το ἀπολομένῃ ἀγχόνῃ) : but more probably it is due to a slip of memory, or to a confusion with the case of Iocasta in the Oed. Tyr. |