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seems to me that there is no longer any ground to take advantage of it against him after he has consented to withdraw it; and he has given a pretty signal proof of his conciliatory spirit in abstaining from animadversion upon an expression in the answer addressed to him by that Minister on the 21st of April, which, estimated with a certain degree of susceptibility, might have seemed to be rather an imperious summons than a diplomatic invitation.

Furthermore, sir, it is not necessary for me to tell you that I entirely concur in the opinion which you express upon not deviating in negotiations from the observances and forms of a benevolent courtesy.

I invite M. Poussin never to forget this rule in his intercourse with the Go. vernment of the United States, and I am sure that, if it be reciprocated, the observance of it will be rendered easy to him.

Receive, sir, the assurance of the high consideration with which I have the honour to be your very humble and very obedient servant,

ALEXIS DE Tocqueville.

The Secretary of State of the United States to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of

France.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

WASHINGTON, September 8, 1849. M. ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE,

Minister of Foreign Affairs of the French Republic. Sir: I have received a despatch from Mr. Rush, the American Minister in Paris, of the 13th of August, covering a note from you to him, dated the 9th of that month. Both have been submitted to the President, with the correspondence to which they relate. As Mr. Rush is returning home, and Mr. Rives, who has been appointed to succeed him as Minister to France, has probably not yet arrived in Paris, I hasten to avail myself of the only means of communication between the Governments we represent, by addressing you directly on the subject of your note.

You acknowledge the receipt of the correspondence "which took place between the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the United States and the Minister of France at Washington," from which it must have been obvious to your mind that the latter had repeatedly and gratuitously addressed communications to this Government highly offensive and discourteous, both in manner and in substance.

That correspondence was submitted simply to enable your Government to decide upon the proper course to be taken in regard to its own Minister. You appear to have considered the occasion as one which called upon you to construct an apology for that Minister, by indiscriminately censuring both parties to the correspondence. You were not invited to decide as an arbiter upon the mode in which the American Government conducted that correspondence, which was not only courteous and respectful in terms, but entirely unexceptionable in spirit; and you could not have failed to observe that this Department had not in any instance, descended to recrimination, whether useless or otherwise, with Mr. Poussin.

Should the correspondence of any Minister of this Republic prove insulting to the friendly Government of France, that Government is too confident of our desire to maintain kind relations with it to doubt that the President of the United States would feel it to be a high duty to examine the complaint, and to render a prompt and proper atonemeni for the injury. But the issue presented in the correspondence of Mr. Poussin cannot be evaded by any charge of recriminations. If that charge can be made with any shadow of truth, let it be separately presented, and it will be promptly and most respectfully considered.

The President instructs me to say to your Excellency that, as from the whole tone of your communication to Mr. Rush, which has struck him with much surprise, it would seem that the disrespectful language of the French Minister at Washington has been received with indulgence, and held worthy of palliation by the distinguished Minister of Foreign Affairs of France, who has manifested no disposition to redress the wrong, he, as the Chief Magistrate of the United States, feels himself now at perfect liberty, and in fact constrained, with a view to preclude opportunities which might be again abused, to perform, without any further delay, an unpleasant duty, from which he had hoped his friendly appeal to the French Government would have relieved him.

This Government is the guardian of its own honour, and, as on all occasions it seeks to avoid giving cause of offence, so will it never submit to intentional disrespect. By the time this letter reaches your Excellency, Mr. Poussin will have been informed that no further correspondence will be held with him by the Executive of the United States, and that every proper facility will be afforded him, should he desire to return to France.

The President further instructs me to express to your Excellency the friendly sentiments of himself and of this Government for the President, the Government, and the People of France. He does not doubt that these kind sentiments are reciprocated by them, and he anticipates, with lively satisfaction, the arrival of Mr. Poussin's successor, with whom it will be the study of this Government to cultivate agreeable and friendly intercourse, in the terms and the spirit of mutual courtesy, which will be equally honourable to both the sister Republics.

In the mean time prompt and respectful attention will be given to any communications touching the interests of our respective countries which may be made through any other diplomatic agent whom the French Government may see fit to select.

I avail myself of this opportunity to offer to your Excellency the assurance of my most distinguished consideration.

John M. CLAYTON.

ment.

WAshikcron, September 11, 1819.} Sır: The President has devolved upon me the duty of announcing to you that the Government of the United States will hold no further correspondence with you as the Minister of France; and that the necessity which has impelled him to take this step at the present moment has been made known to your Govern

In communicating the President's determination in regard to yourself personally, I avail myself of the occasion to add, that due attention will be cheerfully given to any communications from the Government of France, affecting the interests of our respective Republics, which may reach this Department through any other channel.' Your own Government will be able to explain to you the reasons which have influenced the American Executive in delaying the present communication until this period.

The President has instructed me further to say, that every proper facility for quitting the United States will be promptly given, at any moment when you may be pleased to signify that it is your desire to return to France. I am, sir, very respectfully, your most obedient servant,

John M. CLAYTON. MR. William Tell Poussin, &c.

SECOND REPORT ON THE SLAVE TRADE. The select committee appointed (by the House of Commons) to continge the inquiry undertaken by a committee appointed last year, to consider the best means which Great Britain can adopt for providing for the final extinction of the slave trade, and to whom the evidence taken before the said coinmittee was

referred, and who were empowered to report the evidence taken before them from time to time to the House, and who were further empowered to report their observations to the House; have further considered the inatters referred to them, and have agreed to the following report:

“That the committee which was appointed in the last session of Parliament to consider the best means which Great Britain can adopt for providing for the final extinction of the slave trade, adopted certain resolutions, which were reported to the House. In the purport of those resolutions this committee is agreed with the cominitiee of last session.

“That a long and large experience of attempts to suppress the slave trade by a naval force, leads to the conclusion that to put down that trade by such means is impracticable.

“ That over and above a return to the system of discouragement by commercial legislation, several measures have been suggested as suitable auxiliaries to the present preventive system, particularly the destruction of barracoons, the infliction of the penalties of piracy on the captains and crews of vessels engaged in the slave trade, and the enforced liberation of all slaves illegally imported into Brazil and the Spanish colonies.

“That your committee have considered whether these expedients are practically available, as they conceive that if that were the case, such expedients ought to be tried before the abandonment of the system of forcible suppression should be resolved upon. But even assuming that Great Britain either is actually entitled, or could by negotiation acquire a title, to adopt all these measures, your committee are still convinced that such a prosecution of them as could alone be effectual, would not be sustained by the general opinion of other civilized countries; would be attended with the imminent risk of very serious calamities, and would scarcely be sooner commenced than abandoned.

“ Your committee are, therefore, constrained to believe that no modification of the system of force can effect the suppression of the slave trade, and they cannot undertake the responsibility of recommending the continuance of that system. Your committee are not, however, prepared to recommend the immediate and unconditional withdrawal, by Great Britain, of her contingent from that system which her influence has been so mainly instrumental in recommending to other countries, without any communication with those countries, and without

any

definite understanding of their views.

“Your committee are, however, of opinion, that the aim of those communications should be to release Great Britain from such treaty engagements in respect to the slave trade, as place the question of maintaining a blockading squadron beyond the free and exclusive control of British aothorities.

* Your committee do not conceive that if the use of force is to be abandoned. it therefore follows that Great Britain is to become neutral or indifferent with respect to the slave trade.

“ It is painful to your committee to acknowledge want of success in an undertaking to which the intelligence, the energy, and the wealth of Great Britain have been so long and so unsparingly applied—an undertaking, the success of which this country has endeavoured to ensure by great sacrifices of human life. and for which it has consented to place at constant hazard the peace of the world; but nothing can absolve your committee from the duty of recognising the truth of the case as their inquiry has brought it under view.

“It would still be the duty of the British Government to exhibit its unabated hostility to the African slave trade; to employ every means compatible with a just regard to the independence of other states to promote the mitigation of its evils, and to accelerate its final extinction; and by no means to shrink from sug. gesting further pacific efforts, and even further sacrifices, in the cause for which it has already toiled so much, if at any time they should be found necessary for the attainment of so happy a consummation. VOL. III.-SEPT.,

1849.

21

“That your committee entertain the hope that the internal improvement and civilization of Africa will be one of the most effective means of suppressing the slave trade; and for this purpose, that the instruction of the natives by missionary labours, by education, and by all other practical efforts, and the extension of legitimate commerce, ought to be encouraged wherever the influence of England can be directed, and especially where it has already been beneficially exerted.”

LETTERS OF KOSSUTH.

SZEGEDIN, July 26, 1842. A circumstance has happened 10 the last degree unfortunate for me, and for you, and for the whole country. Gen. Georgey writes from Comorn on July 20: “The battle at Raab is lost. The enemy will be in Buda in fortyeight hours.” The government must attend 10 the securing of the stores, the bank, &c. I had po garrison in Pesth, and hence was unwilling to leave the bank-note machinery exposed to being carried off in case of an unfavourable event. I was therefore obliged to take it to pieces, and cause it to be traus. ported to Szegedin (a heavy load, of at least 6,000 hundred weight of presses and matrices,) just at the time when, on account of the approach of the Russians, I was obliged to break up the apparatus at Debreczin. The erection look at least fourteen days, and for that time we fabricated no money. You therefore get nothing except the 125,000 forins, which I sent on the 9th inst. 10 Szolnok. I did what man could do ; but I am no god, and cannot create out of nothing. For a whole year, nothing has come in: empty purses and war. At this moment, I have the following troops to maintain: in Transyl. vania, 40,000 men; Upper army and Comorn, 45,000; South army, 36,000; Theiss arıny, 36,000; Peterwardein, 8,000; Grosswardein, Arad, Szegedin, Baja, Zarander, Granzcordon, and small detachments, 10,000; in the whole, 137,000 men. Beside the reserved squadron of eighieen Huzzar regiments, seven battalions in erecting fortifications, 20,000 sick, 80,000 militia to be sus. lained-powder-mills, foundries, armories, boring of cannon, making of bayonets, 24,000 prisoners, the whole civil administration. This, General, is no trifle, and the bank-note apparatus has not worked for a fortnight. I ask for patience. I am not God. I can die for my country, but I cannot make a Screation.” In three days, the bank will again be in order, and I can then deliver to your treasurer 20,000 florins a week. You write for 800,000 florins, and this sum is scarce a tenth part of our monthly expenses. So much for explaining our difficulties. More I cannot. Now for something very important. Bolexis and Balliach, emigrants from Wallachia, have proposed to me to form a Wallachian legion. I have accepted the offer, in general, and referred them for details to the commander-in-chief. I recommend them. The matter is of great consequence. If you should return into Wallachia, as I hope, this battalion will form the advanced guard. The effect would be incalculable. I consider it very important 10 announce in the proclamations that we come as friends of the Turks and Wallachians, to free them from the Russians. The Turks pursue a lwo-sided policy. We must compromise them.

L. Kossuth.

KOSSUTH TO COUNT BATTHYANY, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS. Dear Count,—You will receive this letter from Col. Von Kalmany, who is charged to communicate my wishes to you verbally. The apprehensions I stated 10 you at Szegedin on Jone 23d have been realized. Georgey's conquest of Oten was the last gleam of the setting son of the republic, for imme. diately afterwards Dembinski was defeated in the north, and Perczel in the south; then Georgey fell into his fatal position at Comorn, and, finally, Bem was compelled to retreat before Luders. My slender hopes of being able, by resorting to extraordinary measures, to give our cause a more favourable turn, have been wholly destroyed by the shameful ingratitude of Georgey, for the revelation and execution of his plans, which I had long perceived and feared, was a treason to the cause of the nation, and inflicted on me, and through me on the republic, a death-blow. Our misfortune has cost us 200,000 cannon balls, and a flight, already become dangerous, is the grave of so many glorious victories. Our cause is now utterly lost; the immense fatigues 1 have lately undergone have wearied my spirits and shattered my bodily strength; I sigh for repose. My greatest consolation in my present critical position is the knowledge that those most dear to me after my native land-my family-are in safety. I go to-night with Csanyi and Hervath to Lugos, where I shall expect your verbal answer through Col. Von Kalmany. In the mean time, accept the assurance of my profound respect. ARAD, August 11th.

Kossuth.

LETTER OF KOSSUTH TO GENERAL BEM.

DRENKOVA, August 14th. I am regardless of my safety. I am weary of life, as I now behold the fine edifice of my country's freedom, and with it the sanctuary of European liberty, destroyed—not by our enemies, but by our brethren. It is not, then, a cowardly love for existence that determines my departure; but the conviction that my presence has become injurious to my country. General Guyon writes that the army concentrated near Temesvar is in a state of complete dissolution. You, General, are placed hors de combat ; Georgey is at the head of the only army which, according to his account, still exists, and he declares that he will no longer obey, but govern. I implored him to remain, at all events, patriotic and faithful to his country, and I ceded to him my place.

At this moment I am merely a simple citizen, nothing more. I have been to Lugos to ascertain the state of affairs, and to learn what could be done to continue the struggle. I found the corps of General Vecsey in good order, and animated with the best spirit, but all the others nearly dissolved. Des. corf and Kmetz declared to me that their army would not fight any longer, but would retreat at the first cannon shot. I found a complete want of supplies, and we are obliged to feed by requisition-a miserable means, which renders the people our enemies. The bank, transferred to Arad, is in the hands of Georgey. I am convinced that if Georgey surrenders, the army will not stay near Lugos twenty-four hours, as it is in want of every thing. An army may provide for its existence by requisition in an enemy's countrybut not in its own country! So sar as regards myself, I shall never consent to measures of violence against my own people; I am ready to save them at the sacrifice of my life, but to oppress them-never.

You see then, general, the present is a case of conscience. I could not resign yesterday, and resume the reins of power to-day. If the nation and the army decide otherwise, it is different; but the army of Georgey, the bravest of all, should give its consent. If it do not, I remain a simple citizen, and a3 such I shall never co-operate, even passively, in measures of terrorism, of destruction, of pillage, of requisition, and of oppression towards the people.

If the army of Georgey summon me to resume power-il you succeed in executing some operation in order to secure supplies for your army without having recourse to acts of oppression-if the bank shall be free to operate, and at my disposal-under these conditions I shall respond to the call of the nation, and I shall resume the government. If not, I will never consent to do so. For me, war is not the object, but the means of saving the country. If

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