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faith, which many of them, it is said, have done. These refugees were marched off from Widdin to Shumla, in separate detachments, according to their respective nations, having first received a solemn and affecting address from Kossuth; and the Sultan not only provided for their necessary wants, but generously distributed a considerable sum of money among them.

Many changes, of a precautionary character, have been made by the Austrian government in the civil regulations of the country; and it is thought that more radical changes are meditated, until the civil polity of Hungary is assimilated to the rest of the Emperor's dominions. Å gens d'armerie, or military police, has been established, whose duty it is to keep a strict watch over the Hungarian people, and to enforce many restrictions on the personal liberty they formerly enjoyed. The government has as yet met with difficulty in finding men of rank and respectability willing to undertake the execution of these new regulations; and the commissions granted for that purpose have, in many instances, been pereinptorily refused. Some of the most wealthy, and among them Count Esterhazy, have sold their estates, with a view, no doubt, to their removal from the country. It will probably require a degree of lenity and firmness, not often seen united, before Hungary will again be one of the secure possessions of the Austrian empire.

The Austrian government finds another subject of solicitude and embarrassment in its finances. The expenses of the army this year are computed to have been double the amount of the public revenue; and, as usual, the difficulty of borrowing increases with the pressure of its wants. Hungary can contribute little at this time to replenish the imperial treasury. Its currency of late consisted principally of paper money, which policy had induced Kossuth to issue to a large amount, and patriotism had induced the Hungarian patriots to receive. As the present government refuses to redeem this money, and it has consequently become valueless to the holder, the loss must be a heavy one to the mass of the people. It is said that it is carefully preserved, and even buried by the peasants, in the expectation that it will be one day exchanged for gold and silver.

The relative position of Austria in Europe is greatly changed within the last two years. Not only is her supremacy in Germany greatly impaired, and even put in jeopardy, but she can no longer, for the present at least, become an obstacle to the colossal ambition of Russia; and should the Czar insist on holding Wallachia and Moldavia, and come to an open rupture with Turkey, she may find she has paid a high price for the aid of her potent neighbour, timely and efficient as

it was.

RUSSIA... However confident the Emperor Nicholas was of quelling the insurrection in Hungary, and of again bringing that brave people under the dominion of Austria, the success of his armies seemed to have exceeded his expectations. His expressions of delight are said to have passed all bounds, and, by a ukase issued in August, the same martial honours were decreed to Prince Paskiewitch, as had previously been reserved for the emperor alone, and these honours were be paid to the victorious general even in the cities in which the emperor then resided.

The expected consequences of the Czar's successes in Hungary probably caused no small part of his exultation. His purposes hardly seemed doubtful. Having by his timely assistance to Austria, the most formidable obstacle to his further aggrandizement in Europe, neutralized her opposition, and converted

for the nonce an ancient foe into a grateful friend, he seems to have thought that the time had come for him to make some demonstration of his long-settled designs against Turkey.

Pretexts are never wanting for picking a quarrel by the strong against the weak, and at first the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, over which Turkey and Russia have a divided sovereignty, appeared likely to afford such a pretext, but the Hungarians who have taken refuge in Turkey seem to have furnished a better. Her ambassador at Constantinople, together with that of Austria, required that Kossuth and other distinguished Hungarian exiles should be delivered up, according to the treaty of Passarowitch, well knowing that protection had been promised to them by the Sultan, and that as the demand could not be complied with without dishonour, it would be refused. It was to no purpose that explanations to justify the refusal were offered. They were disregarded, and the imperial ambassadors at once put an end to all diplomatic relations between their governments and the Porte. The Sultan then despatched an envoy, Fuad Effendi, to the Emperor of Russia to deprecate his wrath, if possible; but the effort had probably been unavailing, but for the spirited intervention of England, backed as it was by the popular sentiment in France, and to whose impulses the executive of France finally yielded. Not contented with speaking, they acted also. An English fleet of seven ships of the line, and four smaller ships, and a French fleet of six ships of the line, and fourteen smaller ships, entered the Dardanelles about the last of October, ready to defend Constantinople or attack the Russian squadron of twenty-six ships, according to circumstances. The Czar's purpose was changed, not, however, without expressing his resentment against Great Britain, and the death-struggle of Mahometanism in Europe was, for the time, postponed. Count Nesselrode, the Russian prime minister, now informed Fuad Effendi, that the Czar demanded that the Hungarian refugees should be located in the interior of Can

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dia, or such other part of the Turkish territory as would ensure their being under the surveillance of the government. They might even be permitted to go to France or England. Since that time the exiles which were previously at Widdin, on the Danube, have been ordered from that place to Shumla, a town in the heart of Bulgaria. This change, it would seem, from an address of Kossuth to his brethren in exile, is very acceptable to the Hungarians themselves. They are there more out of the reach of Russian violence; and, as Kossuth told them, they could also more easily get back to their own country, in case of another struggle to obtain her independence.

While the superiority of Russia over Turkey must continue to increase, unless the Turkish polity and institutions undergo a radical change, yet the conquest of twenty-five millions of people, warlike and brave, and whose bravery is stimulated by all the great incentives to national animosity-by diversities of religion, language, and manners; by neighbourhood, and by ancient recollections—is no easy achievement; and Russia must have a yet larger army than she has ever sent abroad, and a yet richer treasury, before she can count upon success. Her superiority even over European Turkey, at present, is not greater than Spain has over Portugal, and not so great as France has over Belgium or Switzerland, or England over Scotland, and yet the inferior nations, though often humbled, were yet able to preserve their independence.

Russia counts as auxiliaries not only on Greece, but on all who belong to the Greek church, and she has diligently sought to obliterate or sooth the patriotic griefs of her Polish subjects for the loss of their existence as a nation, by the wider and more comprehensive sentiment of panslavism, which she loses no opportunity of cherishing; which she expects to bring to bear against Austria, if need be, no less than against Turkey; and which, by its opposition to the Magyars, in the late struggle of the Hungarians, has weakened the cause of Polish patriotism.

Thus checked for a time in her further progress, Russia may look to the east, and seek in Persia for further aliment to her ambition, or even to British India,

to which she will be further stimulated by the recent intervention of England in behalf of Turkey. The gallant Circassians have been at length compelled to yield to overpowering force, and the Caucasian mountains no longer present any impediment to the southern march of Russian troops into the Turkish dominions, east of the Black Sea. But while they have thus been forced into submission, the benefit of this proof of Russia's resistless power may be outweighed by showing how difficult it is to conquer even a small community at once brave, warlike, and determined on resistance. Nor in truth has the Czar abandoned all chance of further aggrandizement in the west. He still holds a considerable military force, said to number 31,000 men, in Wallachia and Moldavia, and seems to erade a final


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