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since Mill wrote. With general free-trade or free foreign markets our population might indefinitely increase without wages being reduced. Cairnes' amended statement of the Wages Fund theory. His conclusions from it as respects the future of the labouring classes. Inconvenient consequences of his reasoning respecting an average rate of wages." Criticism of his reasoning. His mistake as to the comparative shares of the landlords, capitalists, and the labouring classes. His reasons why the share of the latter has not increased in a greater proportion. His conclusions compared with those of Mr. Giffen, as based on statistics. Remedies on the economical side for low wages. On the moral side. What the labourers themselves can do to raise their condition. What the State can do. Complete Socialism a doubtful remedy for the low wages of unskilled labour

III. The class of casual labourers, and the residuum. Great difficulty of raising their condition, though their numbers may be reduced. How far Socialism could deal with such lowest classes. As now constituted their members would probably prefer the present system to Socialism

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332-342

342-346

IV. Confirmation of the conclusions reached by the examination of some proposed remedies. (1) That of Mr. Mills for unemployed labourers. Statement of the plan. Objections.

· 346-353

V. (2) Mr. Charles Booth's remedy for unemployed and ill-paid labourers. Objections: Without compulsion, moral or physical, the plan would not work. Injustice as well as impolicy of compulsion. Costliness of the experiment. Probable good effects on the classes just above.

353-362

PAGE

CHAPTER XI.

AN EIGHT HOURS' WORKING DAY.

I. Effects of the legal limitation of the working day.
Assumption in the argument that the amount of

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work required by society is a fixed or constant
quantity: how far true. Probable results as re-
gards our staple industries, especially those in
which we compete with foreign nations. Examina-
tion of the "double shift argument in favour
of an eight hours' day. Probable general result
of the system if practicable. How far the objec-
tions to an eight hours' day would be removed
by an international understanding between our Go-
vernment and the Governments of competing coun-
tries

PAGE

362-369

II. In what kinds of industries the reduction might be accepted without resulting in loss to employers and with benefit to the unemployed. Effect on other labourers in those cases, where only the State should interfere. Probable gain by the reduction of hours in the mining industry: as also in shops. Other industries where hours are too long. Effects of reduction in these cases. Recapitulation

CHAPTER XII.

369-376

PRACTICABLE STATE SOCIALISM :- —(B) ADMINISTRATIVE. 1. Tendency of the State to extend its functions in the industrial sphere. In what direction such extension might be advantageous. Advantages as respects the State purchase and working of the railways. Reasons why any extension of Government management should be slowly and tentatively made. Why mining industry is nevertheless specially suitable for Government management. Production and distribution in general should be left to private enterprise. Exceptions to this

377-385

II. Why agricultural industry leaves no room for State enterprise or for co-operative farming as proposed by the Socialists, though there may be room for the older agrarian Socialism aiming at the diffusion of landed property 385-388

III. The school of Laissez-faire. The social and political ideal of Herbert Spencer. The perfect social state of the far future. Conditions of attaining it. Objec

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tions to Mr. Spencer's doctrine of non-interference :
It ignores the fact that there is a Social Question, or
implies that the Government should let it alone.
Logical consequences of complete non-interference :
would leave no room for the operation of his own prin-
ciple of distribution. The State interference of recent
years just, as well as necessary. The Government

inspector a product of social evolution. Probable
results had there been no State interference. Inter-
ference a practical, as well as logical, consequence of
the "Law of Equal Freedom." Answer to the objec-
tion that Socialism lies at the end of recent Govern-
ment interferences

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388-400

CHAPTER XIII.

THE SUPPOSED SPONTANEOUS TENDENCIES TO SOCIALISM.

I. Statement of the two principal supposed tendenciesExtension of the State's functions, and the increasing concentration of capital. Mistake of Karl Marx and other philosophers as to the second tendency. It is not a tendency to concentration in few hands, but to concentration of capital belonging to many for a common purpose.

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401-406

II. Difficulties that this peculiar concentration of capital places in the way of Socialism. Under what conditions the spread of companies and syndicates might lead to an extension of State Socialism. Reasons why these conditions are not likely to be largely or early realized

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407-409

III. The tendency to co-operative effort on the part of labourers. Its relation to Socialism. The tendency slower than that to the concentration of capital, but the State might restrain the latter and aid the former. The future political action of the working classes not easily forecast, especially as the interests of the different kinds of labourers are not identical

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410-411

IV. Possible social goals in the future, according to eminent writers, e.g. Karl Marx, De Tocqueville, Comte,

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Herbert Spencer, Mill, St. Simon, Carlyle. True
lesson to be gathered from the different forecasts of
the social philosophers and prophets;-the danger of
specific prophecy. Faith to be derived ;-that we are
in a progress to something better. But co-operative
human efforts will be necessary

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PAGE

411-416

INTRODUCTION,

I.

THE object of this book is in the first place to give an account of contemporary Socialism, its forms and aims, its origins, and the causes of its appearance and spread; secondly, to examine how far, taking the most reasonable form of it, it is desirable or practicable; thirdly, to set forth certain measures of a socialistic character that would seem both beneficial and necessary as supplements to the present system, to adopt which there is a spontaneous tendency on the part of the State, and to which the course of the industrial and social evolution seems to point.

I have devoted a certain space to the history of Socialism, in order not only to explain the particular forms it now assumes, but also to show that in its essence it is no new thing; that it has frequently appeared before, and has always been produced by like causes; that in its most frequent and recurrent form of communism the universal human experience has rejected it as unsuited to average human nature, though in primitive times groups of kindred in village communities were general; that where any species of Socialism has been found practicable and advan

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