but a confused mass.

From that moment the retrograde movement was decided, and the army formed nothing There was not, how ever, a total rout, nor the ery of Sauve qui peut, as has been calumniously stated in the bulletin. As for myself, being constantly in the rear-guard, which I followed on foot, having had all my horses killed, worn out with fatigue, covered with contusions, and having no longer strength to walk, I owe my life to a corporal, who supported me in the march, and did not abandon me during the retreat. At eleven at night I met lieutenant-general Lefebvre Desnouettes; and one of his officers, major Schmidt, had the generosity to give me the only horse that remained to him. In this manner I arrived at Marchienne-au-Pont at four o'clock in the morning, alone, without any officers of my staff, ignorant of the fate of the emperor, of whom, before the end of the battle I had entirely lost sight, and who, I had reason to believe, was either killed or taken prisoner. General Pamphile Lacroix, chief of the staff of the second corps, whom I found in this city, having told me that the emperor was at Charleroi, I supposed that his majesty intended to place himself at the head of marshal Grouchy's corps, to cover the Sambre, and to facilitate to the troops the means of rallying near Avesnes, and, with this persuasion, I proceeded to Beaumont; but parties of cavalry followed us too closely, and having already intercepted the roads of Maubeuge and Philippeville, I became sensible of the total impossibility of arresting a single soldier on that point to oppose the progress of the victorious enemy, I continued my march upon Avesnes, where I could obtain no intelligence concerning the emperor.

In this state of things, having no intelligence of his majesty, nor of the major-general, the disorder increasing every instant, and, with the exception of some veterans of the regiments of the guard and of the line, every one pursued his own inclination, I determined to proceed immediately to Paris, by St. Quentin, and disclose, as quickly as possible, the true state of affairs to the mi nister of war, that he might send some fresh troops to meet the army, and rapidly adopt the measures which circumstances required.

At my arrival at Bourget, three leagues from Paris, I learned that the emperor had passed through that place at nine o'clock in the morning.

Such, M. le Duc, is a faithful history of this calamitous campaign.

I now ask those who have survived that fine and numerous army, how I can be accused of the disasters of which it has been the victim, and of which our military annals furnish no example? I have, it is said, betrayed my country-I who, to serve it, have shewn a zeal which I have perhaps carried too far; but this calumny is not and cannot be supported by any fact or any presumption. Whence have these odious reports, which spread with frightful rapidity, arisen? If, in the inquiries which I have made on this subject, I had not feared almost as much to discover as to be ignorant of the truth, I should declare that every circumstance proves that I have been basely deceived, and that it is attempted to cover, under the veil of treason, the errors and extravagancies of this campaign; errors which have not been avowed in the bulletins that have appeared, and against which I have in vain raised that voice of truth which I will yet cause to resound in the chamber of peers. I expect from the justice of your excellency, and from your kindness to me, that you will cause this letter to be inserted in the journals, and give it the greatest possible publicity.

I renew to your excellency, &c.
Marshal prince of the MOSKWA.
Paris, June 26th, 1815.

MARSHAL DE GROUCHY'S ACCOUNT OF THE AFFAIR AT WAVRE.

Dinant, June 20th, 1815. It was not till after seven in the evening of the 18th of June that I received the letter of the duke of Dalmatia, which directed me to march on St. Lambert, and to attack general Bulow. I fell in with the enemy as I was marching on Wavre. He was immediately driven into Wavre, and general Vandamme's corps attacked that town, and was warmly engaged. The portion of Wavre, on the right of the Dyle was carried, but much difficulty was experienced in debouching on the other side. ~ General Girard was

wounded by a ball in the breast, while endeavouring to carry the mill of Bielge, in order to pass the river, but in which he did not succeed, and lieutenant-general Aix had been killed in the attack on the town. In this state of things, being impatient to cooperate with your majesty's army on that important day, I detached several corps to force the passage of the Dyle and march against Bulow. The corps of Vandamme, in the meantime, maintained the attack on the Wavre, and on the mill, whence the enemy showed an intention to debouch, but which I did not conceive he was capable of effecting. I arrived at Limalle, passed the river, and the heights were carried by the division of Vichery and the cavalry. Night did not permit us to advance further, and I no longer heard the cannon on the side where your majesty was engaged.

I halted in this situation until day-light. Wavre and Bielge were occupied by the Prussians, who, at three in the morning of the 18th, attacked in their turn, wishing to take advantage of the difficult position in which I was, and expecting to drive me into the defile, and take the artillery which had debouched, and make me repass the Dyle. Their efforts were fruitless. The Prussians were repulsed, and the village of Bielge taken. The brave general Penney was

killed.

General Vandamme then passed one of his divisions by Bielge, and carried with ease the heights of Wavre, and along the whole of my line the success was complete. I was in front of Rozierne, preparing to march on Brussels, when I received the sad intelligence of the loss of the battle of Waterloo. The

officer who brought it informed me, that your majesty was retreating on the Sambre, without being able to indicate any particular point on which I should direct my march. I ceased to pursue, and began my retrograde movement. The retreating enemy did not think of following me. Learning that the enemy had already passed the Sambre, and was on my flank, and not being sufficiently strong to make a diversion in favour of your majesty, without compromising the army which I commanded, I marched on Namur. At this moment the rear of the columns were attacked. That of the left made a retrograde movement sooner than was expected, which endangered for a moment the retreat of the left; but good dispositions soon repaired every thing, and two pieces which had been taken were recovered by the brave 20th dragoons, who besides took an howitzer from the enemy. We entered Namur without loss. The long defile which extends from this place to Dinant, in which only a single column can march, and the embarrassment arising from the numerous transports or wounded, rendered it necessary to hold for a considerable time the town, in which I had not the means of blowing up the bridge. I intrusted the defence of Namur to general Vandamme, who, with his usual intrepidity, maintained himself there till eight in the evening; so that nothing was left behind, and I occupied Dinant.

The enemy has lost some thousands of men in the attack on Namur, where the contest was very obstinate: the troops have performed their formed their duty in a manner worthy of praise.

(Signed)

DE GROUCHY.

BEFORE we introduce the reader to the following statements respecting this great battle, which have been given by rival and opposing parties, it is proper to mention the extreme difficulty of collecting accurate details on military subjects. When, after the victory of Aumale, in which Henry the fourth was wounded, he called his generals around his bed, to give him an account of the occurrences since he had left the field, no two officers could agree in the narration of the very events in which they had been actors and the king, impressed with the difficulty of ascertaining facts so evident and recent, exclaimed, "Such is history!" If there be any fact on which we might expect the unanimity of witnesses, it would be the precise hour at which the action of the 18th commenced. It must have been notorious to every man in both armies, and there could exist no motive on either side for misrepresentation. At Waterloo, where the whole of the army was visible, there could have been no possibility, we should have thought, of mistake, and yet nothing can be more various and discordant than the statements on this point with regard to the battle. The duke of Wellington and Blucher say that the conflict commenced about ten. General Alava, who never quitted the side of the duke during the early part of the action, says half-past eleven. Drouet and Buonaparte concur in stating twelve; and Ney dates the commencement at one. The difference must arise from the occurrence of preliminary skirmishes, and at such times men are more Kikely to speak by conjecture than observa

tion.

In the preceding chapters, therefore, we have only stated those important and deci

sive facts, on which all parties are agreed, leaving those collateral, disputed, and incidental circumstances, which did not harmonise with a connected narrative, or on which the respective writers are at variance, to the judgment of the reader. The statements of individuals who have been actual observers of the scene of action are at all times valuable: and the letters of private observers, if they bear not the stamp of official formality, are distinguished by an animation and sensibility of feeling not to be found in the regu lar reports.

LETTER FROM AN OFFICER TO HIS FRIEND IN CUMBERLAND.

Camp of Clichy, All the sharers of my tent having gone to Paris, and my servant having manufactured a window-shutter into a table, and a pack-saddle into a scat, I will no longer delay answering your two affectionate letters, and endeavour to comply with your demand of an account of the battle such as it offered to my own eyes.

On the 15th of June, every thing appeared so perfectly quiet, that the duchess of Richmond gave a ball and supper, to which all the world was invited; and it was not till near ten o'clock at night that rumours of an action having taken place between the French and Prussians, were circulated through the room in whispers: no credit was given to them, however, for some time; but when the general officers, whose corps were in advance, began to move, and when orders were given for persons to repair to their regiments, inatters then began to be considered in a different light. At eleven o'clock the drums beat to arms, and the 5th division, which

N n

garrisoned Brussels, after having bivouacked in the park until day-light, set forward towards the frontiers. On the road we met baggage and sick coming to the rear; but could only learn that the French and Prussians had been fighting the day before, and that another battle was expected when they left the advanced posts. At two o'clock we arrived at Genappe, from whence we from whence we heard firing very distinctly; half an hour afterwards we saw the French columns advancing, and we had scarcely taken our position when they attacked us. Our front consisted of the 3d and 5th divisions, with some Nassau people, and a brigade of cavalry, in all about 13,000 men; while the French forces, according to Ney's account, must have been immense, as his reserve alone consisted of 30,000, which, however, he says, Buonaparte disposed of without having advertised him. The business was begun by the first battalion of the 95th, which was sent to drive the enemy out of some corn-fields, and a thick wood, of which they had possession: after sustaining some loss, we succeeded completely; and three companies of Brunswickers were left to keep it, while we acted on another part of the line: they, however, were driven out immediately; and the French also got possession of a village which turned our flanks. We were then obliged to return, and it took us the whole day to retake what had been lost. While we were employed here, the remainder of the army were in a much more disagreeable situation: for in consequence of our inferiority in cavalry, each regiment was obliged to form a square, in which manner the most desperate attacks of infantry and charges of cavalry were resisted and repelled; and when night put an end to the slaughter, the French not only gave up every attempt on our position, but retired from their own, on which we bivouacked. I will not attempt to describe the sort of night we passed-I will leave you to conceive it. The groans of the wounded and dying, to whóm no relief could be afforded, must not be spoken of here, because on the 18th it was fifty thousand times worse. But a handful of men lying in the face of such superior numbers, and being obliged to sleep in squares for fear the enemy's dragoons,

knowing that we were weak in that arm, might make a dash into the camp, was no very pleasant reverie to soothe one to rest. Exclusive of this, I was annoyed by a wound I had received in the thigh, and which was become excessively painful. I had no great coat, and small rain continued falling until late the next day, when it was succeeded by torrents. Boney, however, was determined not to give us much respite, for he attacked our piquets at two in the morning; some companies of the 95th were sent to their support; and we continued skirmishing until eleven o'clock, when the duke commenced his retreat, which was covered by lord Uxbridge. The blues and life guards behaved extremely well.

The whole of the 17th, and indeed until late the next morning, the weather continued dreadful; and we were starving with hunger, no provision having been served out since the march from Brussels. While five officers who composed our mess were looking at each other with the most deplorable faces imaginable, one of the men brought us a fowl he had plundered, and a handful of biscuits, which, though but little, added to some tea we boiled in a camp-kettle, made us rather more comfortable; and we huddled up together, covered ourselves with straw, and were soon as soundly asleep as though reposing on beds of down. I awoke long before day-light, and found myself in a very bad state altogether, being completely wet through in addition to all other ills. Fortunately I soon after this found my way to a shed, of which sir Andrew Barnard (our. commandant) had taken possession, where there was a fire, and in which, with three or four others, I remained until the rain abated. About ten o'clock the sun made his appearance, to view the mighty struggle which was to determine the fate of Europe; and about an hour afterwards the French made their dispositions for the attack, which commenced on the right. on the right. The duke's dispatch will give you a more accurate idea of the ground, and of the grand scale of operations, than I can do; and I shall therefore confine myself to details of less importance, which he has passed over.

After having tried the right, and found

it strong, Buonaparte manoeuvred until he got 40 pieces of artillery to play on the left, where the 5th division, a brigade of heavy dragoons, and two companies of artillery, were posted. Our lines were formed behind a hedge, with two companies of the 95th extended in front, to annoy the enemy's approach. For some time we saw that Buonaparte intended to attack us; yet as nothing but cavalry were visible, no one could imagine what were his plans. It was generally supposed that he would endeavour to turn our flank. But all on a sudden, his cavalry turned to the right and left, and shewed large masses of infantry, who advanced up in the most gallant style, to the cries of "Vive Empereur!" while a most tremendous cannonade was opened to cover their approach. They had arrived at the very hedge behind which we were-the muskets were almost muzzle to muzzle, and a French mounted officer had seized the colours of the 32d regiment, when poor Picton ordered the charge of our brigade, commanded by sir James Kempt. When the French saw us rushing through the hedge, and heard the tremendous huzza which we gave, they turned; but instead of running, they walked off in close columns with the greatest steadiness, and allowed themselves to be butchered without any material resistance. At this moment, part of general Ponsonby's brigade of heavy cavalry took them in flank, and, besides killed and wounded, nearly 2000 were made prisoners. Now Buonaparte again changed his plan of attack. He sent a great force both on the right and left; but his chief aim was the centre, through which lay the road to Brussels, and to gain this he appeared determined. What we had hitherto seen was mere "boy's play" in comparison with the "tug of war" which took place from this time (3 o'clock) until the day was decided. All our army was formed in solid squaresthe French cuirassiers advanced to the mouth of our cannon-rushed on our bayonets: sometimes walked their horses on all sides of a square to look for an opening, through which they might penetrate, or dashed madly on, thinking to carry every think by desperation. But not a British soldier moved; all personal feeling was forgotten in the enthu

siasm of such a moment. Each person seemed to think the day depended on his individual exertions, and both sides vied with each other in acts of gallantry. Buonaparte charged with his imperial guards. The duke of Wellington led on a brigade, consisting of the 52d and 95th regiments. Lord Uxbridge was with every squadron of cavalry which was ordered forward. Poor Picton was killed at the head of our division, while advancing. But in short, look through the list engaged on that day, and it would be difficult to point out one who had not distinguished himself as much as another.Until eight o'clock the contest raged without intermission, and a feather seemed only wanting in either scale to turn the balance. At this hour, our situation on the left centre was desperate. The 5th division, having borne the brunt of the battle, was reduc ed from 6000 to 1800. The 6th division, at least the British part of it, consisting of four regiments, formed in our rear as a reserve, was almost destroyed, without having fired a shot, by the terrible play of artillery, and the fire of the light troops. The 27th had 400 men, and every officer but one subaltern, knocked down in square, without moving an inch, or discharging one musket; and at that time I mention, both divisions could not oppose a sufficient front to the enemy, who was rapidly advancing with crowds of fresh troops. We had not a single company for support, and the men were so completely worn out, that it required the greatest exertion on the part of the officers to keep up their spirits. to keep up their spirits. Not a soldier thought of giving ground; but victory seemed hopeless, and they gave themselves up to death with perfect indifference. A last effort was our only chance. The remains of the regiments were formed as well as the eircumstances allowed, and when the French came within about 40 paces, we set up a death-howl, and dashed at them. They fled immediately, not in a regular manner as before, but in the greatest confusion.

Their animal spirits were exhausted, the panie spread, and in five minutes the army was in complete disorder: at this critical moment firing was heard on our left; the Prussians were now coming down on the right