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so many years so eminently entitled him

to.

Mr. Ponsonby gave his most cordial approbation to all that had fallen from the honourable mover. He alluded to the despotism which had just been overthrown in France, and observed, that the governments of Europe may rejoice in that just combina. tion of power which has rescued them from the thraldom of a single individual. Strange, therefore, would it be, if Europe, owing her glory and safety to the interposition of Providence, should make so ungrateful a return as to join in the infliction of misery on her fellow-creatures. He would add, that that power which had endeavoured to found an excuse for the slave trade, on motives of humanity, had itself been guilty of a most disgraceful offence against humanity. Such Such language was a mean, malignant, and rancorous attempt to combine the attributes of virtue with an endeavour to increase the miseries of the human race.

Mr. Canning rose, not to express his sentiments on the abolition of the slave trade, that was unnecessary, as they were already known to the house; he rose to declare it to be his opinion, that the vote which they were about to come to this night would not be a barren vote, but one that would materially aid the great cause they were anxious to promote, Their unanimity on this occasion would not merely support what they had already done, but would do much towards persuading the great powers of Europe to unite with England to put down the slave trade. Let it not be said, when this language was held, that the English were always vaunting of their importance in, and influence over, Europe. On such an occasion they had a right to expect that their example and authority would produce the happiest results. With those powers who had not acknowledged the injustice of this traffic in human blood, the authority of Great Britain must have some weight, and with that larger portion who, approving the principle acted upon by England, feared the application of it in their own case, our example must prevail. The apprehensions they at present entertained, must be in a great measure removed, when they saw that we, after cutting off that trade, which

This

was to us a source of wealth and power, (if it ever had been a source of wealth and power to any nation on earth,) had lost nothing by obedience to the dictates of humanity, but had still been able not only to defend ourselves, but to contribute-largely to the restoration of the independence of Europe. With those powers, who had not recognised the propriety of abolishing the slave trade, he would now take a higher tone than he thought it would have been wise in the day of their distress, when, struggling with difficulties, they looked to this country; for he would take a higher tone with them for this reason, were they in some sort dependent on us, a strong remonstrance on this subject would have gone with too much of authority; but now that the danger was past, and they had recovered their independence, we might assume a loftier tone without appearing to insult them, by holding out a threat if they refused to comply with our wishes. Spain and Portugal could now defend themselves without our assistance, and they could decline attending to our representations without fear of being abandoned to ruin. then was the time when we could speak with most freedom; for, as we could urge it with more of delicacy than formerly, so we could press it with more of firmness. The happy adjustment of the affairs of the world, which seemed now about to take place, would be incomplete, if an attempt to put an end to the slave trade did not form one grand feature of it. The technical consent to its abolition of those powers who were not actively engaged in it, ought to be obtained, as, it this were not done, their flags would be abused by individuals belonging to other countries, who would be ready to avail themselves of this subterfuge to avoid punishment. The sanction of all the great nations of Europe to its being done away was necessary, and of vast importance, not so much for the mighty power they possessed, as for the use they had made of that power. If their consent were not given to the abolition of the slave trade, things would not merely remain as they are in this respect, but the traffic in slaves would be greater than it had been for many years. The question then was, whether the æra of a general peace in Europe

should secure the repose of Africa, or furnish a new starting-post for the plunder and devastation of that quarter of the globe. He hoped that the voice of the people, heard through that unanimous vote of the house, in favour of that which justice, which humanity, and which sound policy, all combined to recommend to every nation, would not appeal to the assembled majesty of Europe in vain.

Mr. Marryatt could take upon himself to state, that those connected with the West India colonies were as anxious as any other class of persons could be, for the universal abolition of the slave trade. Unless the house and the country went further than they had yet gone in this business, though they had washed their own hands of the guilt, they had done little towards lessening the evil which they proposed to remedy, as, while the subjects of other countries engaged in it at all, they did more in proportion as this country did less. From the report of the African society, it appeared that up to the year 1810, the average number of slaves obtained from Africa annually amounted to eighty thousand, one half of which were carried away by the Spaniards, and the other half by the Portuguese. That traffic which was formerly carried on in English ships, was thus kept up in Spanish and Portuguese vessels. The abolition of the slave trade had produced one good effect, that of greatly meliorating the condition of the slaves in the colonies. The negroes were much better treated, and the old system of having night and day gangs had been abandoned. The total abolition of the slave trade would be a glorious consummation of the happy events lately witnessed in Europe: and he thought the Prince Regent could not be called upon to perform a more grateful task than that which the resolution before the house went to assign to him.

Mr. Whitbread said, those were deceived, who imagined every man in England wished for the abolition of the slave trade. Before he knew any thing of the present motion, it had come to his ears, that there were persons in this country base enough to wish for the return of peace, on account of the facilities it would afford for carrying on this detestable

traffic under another flag. He was glad this motion had been so ably supported by his right honourable friend near him (Mr. Ponsonby), and the right honourable gentleman opposite (Mr. Canning), as the demonstration thus made, would convince those persons to whom he had alluded, that the legislature was intent upon procuring the perfect abolition of the slave trade throughout the world. At a former period, when we recommended the abolition of the slave trade to the other powers of Europe, it was thought we ought to set the example by abolishing it ourselves. It was under such circumstances that the last peace was concluded, and reflections were then cast on the advocates for the abolition of the slave trade in that house, because such a step had not been taken. That blot remained on our character no longer. We had now set the example. He was glad to concur in the address, and he hoped it would produce a general and beneficial effect-beneficial even according to the most sordid calculation-as the trading interest of every country would profit by it. He had been present at many of the debates which precluded the abolition of the slave trade in this country, which perhaps boasted the greatest display of eloquence (from the members then on both sides of the house) ever witnessed in the world. Mr. Pitt commenced the march of one of his speeches, by appealing to those who would only consider their interest, who had no feeling but in their purse, and demonstrated by arguments which could not be answered, that it was their interest to put an end to a traffic so disgraceful. He had then, with that eloquence which he so well knew how to use, applied himself to persuade them to do it. This argument ought now to be held out to the deluded governments of Spain and Portugal, and to that most deluded government which attempted to justify the slave trade. They ought to be made to understand that their interest required that this traffic should be no more. He could not anticipate opposition to the motion; and but for the desire he felt to express his own feeling on feeling on this subject, he should have thought it quite unnecessary to add one word to the able speeches of those who had preceded him.

Mr. J. Smith and Mr. W. Smith both spoke in approbation of the motion, which was then carried nem. con.

June 27.-Lord Grenville called the attention of the house to that article in the treaty with France which allowed that power to carry on the detestable traffic in human creatures an article which, though it declared that the practice was contrary to natural justice, yet allowed that it should be continued for five years! Had an individual made such a declaration, what would have been thought of his conduct? Yet the honour of governments ought to stand upon higher grounds. Lord Grenville, in the course of a very eloquent speech, which our limits will not allow us to go into, contended, that it was absurd to suppose that France would give up the trade at the end of five years, when she had embarked much property in it, if she would not renounce it when she had not a single sixpence employed in it; that England had it perfectly in her power to have insisted on the abolition of the trade, for that France, with her capital lost and her armies defeated, could not but have consented-at any rate, as we had her colonies in our hands, it surely was not necessary that we should give them up without stipulating for the abolition; and that by not so doing, we had consented to place those colonies in a much worse situa. tion than when we held them. Not to dilate, said his Lordship, on the mischief that would be done by checking the progress of amelioration in Guadaloupe and Martinique, the supply of the French part of St. Domingo alone would occasion à revival of the slave trade to as great an extent as the whole of the traffic at the period of our abolition. This must be the consequence before that place could be brought to a state of full cultivation by slaves. The noble Lord concluded by stating the effect which the revival of the slave trade would have upon the immense territory of Africa. "I would," said he, "that all the horrid scenes of this nefarious traffic were as present to your Lordships' minds as they are to mine. I cannot paint to you with all the vividness with which they dwell upon my imagination, all the miseries which that traffic inflicted upon that desolat ed land; not over miles, but whole regions;

not only the public war, which it induced, of state against state, but of individual against individual, and of family against family. Throughout the whole range of territory, no individual was safe for an hour against kidnappers, lured by the acts of European slave traders, lured by pretensions to witchcraft, by delusions, and by every species of wickedness. I cannot paint to you the daily and hourly miseries which this traffic inflicted on Africa-villages desolate-towns sackedsovereigns selling their subjects-masters betraying not only their servants but the very partners and children of their beds. This, and much more than this, was proved at the bar of both houses: and it was the glory of this country, that by a brilliant though tardy act of justice, by a repentance sincere though late, it showed itself desirous to make the only atonement in its power for all these calamities, by abolishing for ever the cause of so much misery. This was at length effected; and I am sure (speaking the sentiments of others as well as myself), there was no moment of my life so happy, nor can there be in this world, as that in which the abolition was effected. In proportion to this happiness was my grief to find that Britain had, by her concurrence with France, declared that all this misery should be once again restored to Africa, to darken again the face of that devoted country, and to cause those who had been taught to bless us, to curse us to our face." The noble Lord concluded by moving, that an humble address be presented to the Prince Regent, praying him to give directions, that there be laid before the house copies of all the representations on the part of this government, during the late negotiation between it and France, which related to the abolition of the slave trade, together with such part of the dispatches of ministers as related to the same.

Lord Liverpool resisted the motion. He denied that the article of the treaty allowed a continuation of the traffic; it stipulated for its abolition in five years. He contended that we had no right to dictate morality to France, or to go to war on that account. Ministers had done every thing in their power to persuade the French government to renounce the trade, but the public opinion G

in France was not sufficiently enlightened on the subject. It would not have been justifiable to have made the abolition a sine qua non of either making peace or ceding colonies. This country had only resigned the traffic after years of deliberation. He had no doubt whatever on his mind, that France would strictly adhere to the treaty, and abolish the trade at the end of the period. This being a question of moral obligation, was much more delicate than any other question, for it was one upon which every state conceived it had a right to judge for itself. Against the production of the papers he must vote; the subject was still a a matter of negotiation, and their production must be attended with inconvenience.

Lord Holland had heard the noble Lord triumphantly ask, was the abolition to be a sine qua non, and was England prepared to go to war on this point? He would answer that by another question: was France prepared to go to war if we insisted on it? But while the noble Lord seemed to feel the most dreadful scruple at degrading France by the abolition, he had exhibited none at stigmatizing its conduct in the very phrase of the treaty. But was it a degradation to insist on the giving up a traffic of iniquity and blood? But if the treaty was not put in exact execution in five years, where was the means of enforcing it? or was the noble Lord prepared to say it should be a sine qua non, and go to war for it? If not, the words were of no meaning. But in England we were several years shaking off the slave trade, and why expect France to do it at once? Yes, but the trade was interwoven with our whole system, and capital had been embarked in it on the faith of parliament. But France was not to be degraded. No, but the noble Lord had degraded her by the words in which the traffic was described; and most justly, as contrary to the principles of natural justice and the knowledge of an enlightened age. And after this, talk of degradation! He hoped to see the interference of parliament, and the strong appeal of the British people; and he was inclined to think that even in France a spirit might be found superior to that of their government.

On the question being put, there were for

the motion 27-Against it 62-Majority 35 -Adjourned.

It was for some time doubtful whether France was entitled to send an ambassador to the congress at Vienna, as the object of that congress was to complete those stipulations which had been left undetermined by the treaty of Paris, and as by that treaty every thing connected with the interests of France had been arranged. But the latter, even under her new sovereign, had not lost her national disposition to intrigue, and Talleyrand urged so strongly the right of his country to take a part in the deliberations of congress, that he was permitted to come to Vienna. It was impossible to anticipate any good from the presence of the French ambassador, as neither the national character, nor that of Talleyrand, were calculated to inspire the slightest confidence in their sincerity. The experience and remembrance of their conduct was too recent in the minds of all the allies to encourage the hope of evading the treaty of Paris, but the court of France expected, through its ambassador, to sow the seeds of jealousy among the confederate powers, and obtain from their dissensions some portion at least of the territories which had been wrested from her. The subject of maritime rights alone, if adroitly introduced, might occasion distrust and animosity between Britain and some of her allies, and thus benefit France. Russia, notwithstanding her willingness to ascribe to Britain her just share in the downfall of Buonaparte, still retained the principles on which the Princess Catharine had acted, in the establishment of the maritime confederacy at the close of the American war.

It was impossible that France could have selected an individual more calculated to prosecute its views with success than Talleyrand, a statesman of the highest class, and decidedly inimical to the maritime rights of Britain. He was placed in a situation unusually arduous and delicate. peared as ambassador from a nation which had just been conquered, to whom terms much more favourable than they could expect had been granted; that could not, with any grace or reasonable pretence, interfere with the deliberations at Vienna; and that

He ap

was still regarded by the confederates with an eye of suspicion. The triumphant armies of the allies, which had entered Paris, were yet hovering on the confines of France, and if his demands, or even the expression of his hopes or wishes, were urged with improper eagerness or presumption, his country might be again overrun. With respect to any plan of curbing the power of Britain on the sea, it was necessary to proceed with the utmost caution; for however desirous the emperor of Russia might be to establish a new maritime code, he could not be expected to urge it against Britain at the present moment, and as coming from France he would view the proposal with great distrust. The talents, however, and experience of Talleyrand were equal to his situation, and were the more completely displayed in proportion as their exercise was required by the urgency of the

occasion.

The grand object which the congress at Vienna professed to have in view, was the restoration of Europe, as nearly as possible, to the state in which it was before the revolution, only changing that condition as far as might be deemed necessary, to strengthen the inferior states. The experience of the last few years had proved that the latter, unable to defend or protect themselves, must fall under the power of their stronger neighbours in the case of another war. This truth had been fatally exemplified with respect to the small states of Germany, which had easily submitted to France after the commencement of the revolution, and thus enabled her to contend with the great powers of Europe even when combined against her. As France, from the general diffusion of a military spirit throughout the country, and from the immense resources that she would still possess when her prisoners were restored, was still the great object of suspicion and alarm to the rest of the continent of Europe, it became necessary to strengthen the states which bordered on her territories. On this principle Belgium, even in the treaty of Paris, had been annexed to Holland. The settlement and concerns of Poland, Saxony, and the smaller states of Germany and Italy, necessarily came within the avowed purpose of the allied monarchs, and with respect to each

great difficulties arose; difficulties which too clearly and fatally proved that the councils and measures of the allies by no means corresponded with their late professions. As they had long inveighed against the ambition of Buonaparte: as they, in common with their subjects, had traced all the calamities of Europe to his aggressions, it might have been imagined that they would have effaced that first example of spoliation which had served as his excuse, and have restored Poland to national independence. I need not remind my readers of the partitions of that unhappy country, and that Russia, Prussia, and Austria, had insulted and divided Poland with as little pretence of justice as they themselves had been invaded and oppressed. The time was now arrived when they were fully enabled to redeem their characters by one decisive act of generous policy. The emperor Alexander in particular had voluntarily declared himself the liberator of Europe, had disclaimed every view of ambitious conquest, and promised the subversion of all the unjust and pernicious principles on which France had so long acted. The empire of Russia was already enormous. The plan and policy of the Russian sovereigns, from the time of Peter the Great, had uniformly been to mix more and more with the politics of western Europe, and the last campaign had given Alexander an influence and importance unknown to his predecessors on the throne. If Poland were incorporated with his kingdom, it would add to the extent of his territory; enable him to collect and organize the scattered nations of which his empire is composed, and provide him a resting-place, where he might recruit and discipline those forces which he had brought together from the remotest boundaries of Asia. It was therefore the interest as well as the expectation of Europe, that Poland should be restored to a state of actual independence. How deplorably these hopes were disappointed will be seen in the annals of the year 1815.

The case of Saxony was much more difficult and important in a moral though not in a po litical point of view, than the case of Poland. The latter country had been for some time divided, and in the possession of Russia, Aus tria, and Prussia; and therefore it might not

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