first assembly of the states of the kingdom of Hanover."

At the end of this speech his royal highness repaired in procession with the whole assembly to the church of the palace, where the hymn, Nun danket alle Gott," Now thank all God," was sung, being particularly chosen, "because the venerable father of the royal house, and of the country, his majesty George the Third, with his strong sense of piety, set a particular value upon it."

Afterwards the deputies chose their president, who addressed his royal highness to the following import. He began by stating the obligations which the inhabitants of Hanover were under to the prince regent, for calling the deputies together, and to the British nation for the decided, persevering, and glorious part which she had taken in the contest, which had terminated in the triumph of peace and order. He next assured his royal highness, that in all their deliberations and proceedings they would use their utmost endeavours to second his good intentions for the prosperity of Hanover; and he concluded by stating, that they considered the presence of his royal highness as a pledge of the gracious regard of their beloved sovereign and the prince regent.

The German nations had well deserved the blessings of freedom and independence thus conferred by a laudable example on the people of Hanover. No part of the population of Europe contributed so much to the destruction of Buonaparte as the inhabitants of Germany: men of all ranks and classes came forward in defence of their country, animated by the most pure, enlightened and honourable feelings, and the name of Schill alone would exalt their national character in the estimation of posterity. The memory of this devoted patriot and invincible soldier is still honoured as that of the most distinguished and gallant partizan that all the invasions of Germany had produced. As he died under the reign of Buonaparte, all public honours would have only drawn down the most exemplary vengeance, but the spirit of the people was not to be easily subdued, and the actions of this officer were recorded in all the more secret and safer forms of rings, pic tures, busts, and enamels. A pillar in an

open field near Stralsund bore, in German, the following inscription. It having attracted strongly the popular attention it was shortly removed

INSCRIPTION.

Who rests this nameless mound beneath
Thus rudely piled upon the heath,
Naked to winds and water's sweep?
Does here some gloomy outcast sleep?
Yet many a footstep freshly round
Marks it as loved---as holiest ground.

Stranger! this mound is all the grave
Of one who lived as live the brave,
Nor ever heart's devoted tide
More nobly pour'd than when he died.
Stranger! no stone might dare to tell
His name who on this red spot fell!
These steps are steps of German men,
That when the Tyrant's in his den
Come crowding round with midnight tread
To vow their vengeance o'er the dead.
Dead! No: that Spirit's lightning still.
Soldier! thou seest the grave of SCHILL.

Previous to the opening of the congress, the Swiss had formed amongst themselves a federal compact. On the 8th of September this important document was signed by the deputies of all the 10 cantons, at Zurich.The whole armed force was to be 30,000 men, and the contribution for its support 21,000l. In case of danger, external or internal, each canton was entitled to claim the aid of its confederates, and no alliance between separate cantons, unfavourable to the interests of the confederation, was to be formed. The principle was acknowledged, according to which there remained no subject in Switzerland, that the enjoyment of rights might no longer be prevented by the exclusive privilege of any particular class of citizens. The diet declares war, concludes peace, and forms alliances; but on these important questions two-thirds of the voices are required to determine; in all others an absolute majority.

Spain, on the contrary, whose struggles and misfortunes during the war had been, beyond comparison, more arduous than those of Switzerland, presented at the present moment a striking and melancholy scene. As soon as Napoleon found that his affairs were desperate he liberated Ferdinand, and sent him back to Spain: on his signing articles of subservience to France, and of hostility to the British nation, which had expended its

blood and treasure in his cause. Scarcely had he entered Spain before he plainly disclosed the line of conduct which he meant to pursue. The re-establishment of civil and religious tyranny, even more completely and firmly than it had existed before the invasion of the French, was his favourite object; all the labours of the cortes for the liberty of their country were overthrown; and those patriots and heroes who had been most instrumental in achieving the liberation of Spain, and to whom Ferdinand was the most indebted, were treated with the utmost inhumanity. He seemed decidedly of opinion that Spain had been polluted by those statesmen and warriors who had stood forth in his cause, while he took into his confidence many of those who had betrayed him into the power of Buonaparte; and, to crown his absurdities, he issued the following decree, by which the inquisition was re-established.

66. DECREE.

"Madrid, July 25. "The glorious title of catholic, which distinguishes us from all other christian princes, is owing to the perseverance of the kings of Spain, who would never tolerate in their states any other religion than the catholic, apostolic, and Roman. This title imposes upon me the duty to render myself worthy of it by all the means which heaven has placed within my power. The late troubles, and the war, which has desolated during six years every province in the kingdom; the long abode which has been made in Spain by troops of different sects, almost all of whom were infused with sentiments of hatred towards our religion; the disorder which has been the infallible result of this; and the inattention with which the affairs of our holy religion have been treated during this unfortunate period; all these circumstances united have laid the field open to wicked persons, who have never experienced any check: dangerous opinions have been introduced, and have taken root in our states, by the same means as they are spread in other countries. Wishing then to remedy so grievous an evil, and to preserve among my subjects the holy religion of Jesus Christ, which they have always revered, and in which they have lived, and always wished to live, &c. I have

deemed it necessary, under these circumstances, that the holy office should resume its jurisdiction. On this subject reverend and virtuous prelates, respectable corporations and grave personages, ecclesiastics and seculars, have represented to me that Spain is indebted to this tribunal, for the good fortune of not having fallen, in the sixteenth century, into the errors which have caused so many misfortunes among other nations: and that, on the contrary, at that period the sciences were cultivated with distinction, and Spain produced a multitude of great men, distinguished by their knowledge and their piety. It has further been represented to me, that the oppressor of Europe has not neglected to employ, as an efficacious method of introducing the corruption and discord which supported so well his projects, the suppression of this tribunal, under the vain pretext that it could exist no longer in the enlightened state of the present age, and that the pretended cortes, general and extraordinary, under the same pretext, and under the favour of the constitution which they tumultuously decreed, abolished also the holy office, to the regret of the whole nation. For these causes, I have been earnestly supplicated to re-establish it in the exercise of its functions; and yielding to considerations so just, and to the wish manifested by my people, whose zeal for the religion of our ancestors has anticipated my orders, by hastening to recal spontaneously the subaltern inquisitors of some provinces, I have, therefore, resolved, that from this moment the supreme council of the inquisition, and the other tribunals of the holy office, shall resume their authorities conformable to the concessions which have been made to them by the sovereign pontiffs, at the instance of my august predecessors, and by the prelates of the dioceses, and by the kings who have assured to them the full exercise thereof, observing in this double jurisdiction, ecclesiastical and civil, the ordonnances which were in force in the year 1808, and the laws which have, on different occasions, been made for obviating certain abuses. But as, independent of these ancient laws, it may be proper to add new ones on this sub ject; and my intention being to perfect that establishment in such manner as to render it

eminently useful to my subjects, it is my desire that, as soon as the said supreme council of the inquisition shall be assembled, two of the members who compose it, joined to two of the members of the council of Castile, both appointed by me, shall examine the forms and mode of proceeding of the holy office, in its processes, and with respect to the censure and prohibition of books; and if they find that the interests of my subjects, or the claims of sound justice, require any reform or change, they will make their reports to me, supporting their observations, in order that I may take the necessary resolution."

This decree is countersigned by his excellency Don Pedro Macanaz, whose grandfather passed the greatest part of his life in prison, at the commencement of the last century, and died in exile for having written against the inquisition. But no act of folly or persecution can surprise us in a monarch who is equally the enemy of the catholics, by his indiscretion, and of the protestants, by his cruelty: whose habits are at once

vicious and effeminate, whose chief amusement is the chess board, and the spinning wheel, and who passes the mornings in knitting embroidery. Such are the individuals who too frequently rule the fate and guide the policy of nations!

After stating the general line of conduct which Ferdinand pursued, it will not surprise the reader that he did all in his power to obstruct the commerce of England, and awakened, by the outrageous violence of his conduct, the still more strenuous exertions of the malcontents in his South American colonies. His measures and demeanour were strikingly contrasted by the policy and conduct of his relative the prince of the Brazils, who, instructed by his misfortunes, and profiting by his distance from the scenes of European warfare, devoted his talents and his leisure to the improvement of his subjects, the extension of commerce, and the encouragement, among the Brazilians, of every useful and civilized pursuit.

Ross.

RIGID and conscientious impartiality is the first duty of an historian, and for the absence of that quality no other excellence can be received as an atonement. To weigh, with the hands of calm and inflexible justice. the inerits of measures and of individuals; to state with candour the feelings and opinions of contending statesmen; and to describe, with the liberal feeling of a citizen of the world, the policy and conflicts of rival nations, are duties more frequently expected than performed. Yet discussion is the life of free dom and the parent of truth, and it is a task incumbent on the writer of history, to arrange

the opposing representations of prejudice and enmity in one connected and impartial statement; regardless of the violence of parties, and guided in his decision by the progress of events.

On the subject of the American war we have expressed the opinions and conclusions which the documents before us, and the information communicated by the most popular writers on America, seemed best to justify. But a singular work has lately appeared, supposed to proceed from the posed to proceed from the pen of Mr. Madison himself, which it is but just to our readers, and to ourselves, that we should occasionally

compare with the statements of the enemies of America. The events, indeed, which have unfortunately occurred since the publication of our former narrative, are too well calculated to humble the pride of Britain, and repress the triumph of unbecoming exultation. The constitution of the United States has been so frequently misrepresented, and so little understood, that we shall commence this chapter by recording the solemn act on which its foundation is established. It presents a copious theme of reflection to an intelligent mind, and may be regarded as the noblest record of a people who present peculiar claims on the interest of the English reader, by affinity, by identity of language, and by their pretensions to a momentous influence on the destinies of the world.

AMERICAN CONSTITUTION.

"WE, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution for the United States of America.

66 ARTICLE I.

"Sect. 1. All legislative powers herein. granted shall be vested in a congress of the United States, which shall consist of a senate and house of representatives.

"Sect. 2. The house of representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year, by the people of the several states, and the electors in each state shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature.

"No person shall be a representative, who shall not have attained to the age of twentyfive years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not when elected be an inhabitant of that state in which he shall be chosen.

"Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding In

dians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of representatives shall not exceed one for every 30,000, but each state shall have at least one representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the state of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.

When vacancies happen to the representation from any state, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such

vacancies.

"The house of representatives shall chuse their speaker and other officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment.

"Sect. 3. The senate of the United States shall be composed of two senators from each state, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years; and each senator shall have one vote.

"Immediately after they shall be assembled, in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided, as nearly as may be, into three classes. The seats of the senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expira tion of the second year; of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year; and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of any state, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies.

"No person shall be a senator, who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state for which he shall

be chosen.

The senate shall chuse their other officers, and also a president pro tempore, in the absence of the vice-president, or when he shall exercise the office of president of the United States.

"The senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the president of the United States is tried, the chief justice shall preside; and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present.

66

Judgment, in cases of impeachment, shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honour, trust, or profit, under the United States; but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment, according to law.

"Sect. 4. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof; but the congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of chusing senators.

"The congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day.

"Sect. 5. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorised to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties as each house may provide.

"Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behaviour, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member.

"Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either house on any question shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal.

"Neither house, during the session of congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting.

"Sect. 6. The senators and representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any speech or debate in either house, they shall not be questioned in any other place..

"No senator or representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emolument whereof shall have been encreased during such time; and no person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either house during his continuance in office.

"Sect. 7. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the house of representatives; but the senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills.

66

Every bill which shall have passed the house of representatives and the senate shall, before it become a law, be presented to the president of the United States; if he approve, he shall sign it, but if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to that house in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other house, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that house it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each house respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the president within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he