7. But should not the coal situation be viewed from a different and wider standpoint? It can not be forgotten that among the most wanton acts of devastation perpetrated by the German Armies during the war was the almost complete destruction by her of the coal supplies of northern France. An entire industry was obliterated with a calculation and a savagery which it will take many years to repair. The result has been a grave and prolonged shortage of coal in western Europe. There can be no reason in equity why the effect of this shortage should be borne exclusively by the allied nations, who were its victims, or why Germany, who deliberately made herself responsible for the deficiency, should not, to the full limit of her capacity. make it good. 8. Stress is also laid upon the hardships alleged to be inflicted upon Germany by the necessity of importing in future iron ores and zine. It is not understood why Germany should be supposed to suffer from conditions to which other countries contentedly submit. It would appear to be a fundamental fallacy that the political control of a country is essential in order to procure a reasonable share of its products. Such a proposal finds no foundation in economic law or in history. 9. The allied and associated powers can not accept the speculative estimate presented to them in the German note on the future conditions of German industry as a whole. This estimate appears to them to be characterized and vitiated by palpable exaggerations. No note is taken of the fact that the economic disaster produced by the war is widespread, and, indeed, universal. Every country is called upon to suffer. There is no reason why Germany, which was responsible for the war, should not suffer also. 10. Similarly, as regards the population of the future, no reliance can be placed on the data which are contained in the German note. On the one hand, it is sought to prove that immigration from Germany will be necessary, but that few countries will receive the intending immigrants. On the other hand, it is sought to show that there will be a flood of Germans returning to their native land to live under the conditions which have already been described as intolerable. It would be unwise to attach too much weight to either speculation. 11. Finally, the German note rashly asserts that the peace conditions will "logically bring about the destruction of several millions of persons in Germany," in addition to those who have perished in the war or who are alleged to have lost their lives in consequence of the blockade. Against the war losses of Germany might very fairly be placed the far greater losses which her initiative and conduct of the war have inflicted upon the allied countries, and which have left an ineffaceable mark upon the manhood of Europe. On the other hand, the figures and the losses alleged to have been caused by the blockade are purely hypothetical. The German estìmate of future losses could be accepted only if the premises upon which it is presumed to rest are accepted also. But they are entirely fallacious. There is not the slightest reason to believe that a population is destined to be permanently disabled because it will be called upon in future to trade across its frontiers instead of producing what it requires from within. A country can both become and can continue to be a great manufacturing country without producing the raw materials of its main industries. Such is the case, for instance, with Great Britain, which imports at least one-half of her food supplies and the greater preponderance of her raw materials from abroad. There is no reason whatever why Germany under the new conditions should not build up for herself a position both of stability and prosperity in the European world. Her terri-. tories have suffered less than those of any other continental belligerent State during the war. Indeed, so far as pillage or devastation is concerned, they have not suffered at all. Their remaining and untouched resources, supplemented by the volume of import trade, should be adequate for recovery and development. 12. The German reply also ignores the immense relief that will be caused to her people in the struggle for recovery by the enforced reduction of her military armaments in future. Hundreds of thousands of her inhabitants, who have hitherto been engaged either in training for armies or in producing instruments of destruction, will henceforward be available for peaceful avocations and for increasing the industrial productiveness of the nation; no result should be more satisfactory to the German people. 13. But the first conditions of any such recuperation would appear to be that Germany should recognize the facts of the present state of the world, which she has been mainly instrumental in creating, and realize that she can not escape unscathed. The share which she is being called upon to bear of the enormous calamity that has befallen the world has been apportioned by the victorious powers, not to her deserts, but solely to her ability to bear it. All the nations of Europe are suffering from losses and are bearing and will long continue to bear burdens which are almost more than they can carry. These burdens and losses have been forced upon them by the aggression of Germany. It is right that Germany, which was responsible for the origin of these calamities, should make them good to the utmost of her capacity. Her hardships will arise not from the conditions of peace, but from the acts of those who provoked and prolonged the war. Those who were responsible for the war can not escape its just consequences. May 21, 1919. X. GERMAN MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES. (A) THE PRESIDENT OF THE GERMAN PEACE DELEGATION TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE PEACE CONFERENCE. [Translation.] VERSAILES, May 18, 1919. SIR: For almost 200 years, German missionaries of the two Christian confessions have devoted themselves in all parts of the world to the religious, economic, and moral improvement of the populations. Their activity has been largely crowned with success, especially as regards their educative task, thereby securing the confidence of the Governments and the recognition of the populations within their field of action. It is desired to abolish this state of things completely. In fact, if article 438 were to be applied in practice, German missions would be expelled by violence from all theaters of their activity, with the exception of the Dutch colonial empire. They would see themselves despoiled of their justly acquired rights, as well as of the properties established by the efforts of their own country and intrusted to their administration. The missionaries would find themselves violently deprived of the work for which they prepared themselves in a special manner. But the question relates not only to properties and the activities of German missionaries. More than 1,500,000 converts and pupils belonging to all races would lose their spiritual guides and run the risk of relapsing into their primitive state. The missionaries of other nationalities who would be sent to replace their German confrères in the missions which had lost their directors could not rise to the height of their task, for it would be impossible to find them immediately in sufficient numbers. Furthermore, they would not know the language of the natives and would not possess the confidence of the populations. These difficulties could be surmounted only after many years of work and of devotion equal to the work and devotion of the German missionaries. The conditions stipulated in article 438 of the project of peace treaty would, as a final measure resulting from the World War, have a character particularly heinous. This conclusion, considered as undoubted by those competent to judge respecting missions, would prevent missionaries from carrying on their work and would make it impossible for them to fulfill their duty. If article 438 of the peace treaty project is compared with the provisions of the Kongo Act, which guarantees the protection and the freedom of missions, an understanding can be had of the confusion which would be pro duced, in what measure the situation of Christian missions would be hampered, and how confidence in their activity would be diminished if, for political reasons, their special character and their methods were affected. The missionaries of the peoples represented by the allied and associated Governments have accomplished excellent things, and this the delegation of the German people voluntarily recognizes. Therefore, it can not be believed that these Governments have thought of the consequences which would follow the application of article 438. Consequently, the German Government holds that the acceptance of this article is incompatible with its dignity. If it did accept the article, it would contradict the principles of liberty which the German people have intrusted to it for safe-keeping. Further, it would deeply injure the sacred conviction of all. In the project of treaty there are a certain number of conditions capable of giving the impression that they are designed to retard preparation for the reconciliation of the peoples. Of this number is article 438, whose unfortunate consequences would be felt for many years to come. To avoid this contingency, the German delegation recommends the constitution of a mixed commission of experts authorized to study in detail in what manner the consequences of the World War could be fashioned so as to be most favorable to Christian missions. BROCKDORFF-RANTZAU. XI. EXTENSION OF TIME LIMIT FOR EXCHANGES OF NOTES. (A) THE PRESIDENT OF THE GERMAN PEACE DELEGATION TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE PEACE CONFERENCE. [Translation.] GERMAN PEACE DELEGATION, SIR: The German peace delegation intends during the next days to submit communications to the allied and associated Governments on the following points, which in the eyes of the delegation fall under the definition of suggestions of a practical nature: 1. A note concerning territorial questions in the east. 2. A note concerning Alsace-Lorraine. 3. A note concerning the occupied territories. 4. A note concerning extent and discharge of the obligation undertaken by Germany in view of reparation.' 5. A note concerning the further practical treatment of the questions of labor law.2 6. A note concerning the treatment of German private property in enemy countries.3 Besides this a syllabus is being prepared of the observations which are called for from the German Government by the draft of the treaty of peace in its detailed provisions. The problems hereby involved being in part of a very complicated nature, and it having been necessary to discuss them extensively with the experts in Versailles, as well as with those in Berlin, it will not be possible to dispose of them within the time limit of 15 days notified by your excellency on the 7th instant, although the delega tion will take pains to transmit as many notes as possible within the limit. Having regard to this I beg, in the name of the German peace delegation, to move that the contents of the intended notes be regarded as having already been made subject of discussion in writing, and that the requisite time be granted to us for a more detailed exposition. Accept, sir, the assurance of my high esteem. BROCKDORFF-RANTZAU. 1 Notes Nos. 1-4 were apparently incorporated in the observations of May 29, XIII. 2 Printed ante, V, d. Printed infra, XII. |