pardon the officer who should fail to grasp a given case in all its bearings, and should by the exercise of undue zeal, or undue caution, jeopardize his work. The liberal Christian desires only that the state shall give the religious element an open opportunity. And so in turn the state and the officer may ask the missionary to have some of the "wisdom of the serpent," to be forbearing and long-suffering, to avoid places which are dangerous, to deal respectfully with cherished beliefs, erroneous though they be, and generally to carry on his work with such good management, good feeling, and tact, as to arouse the least possible animosity, and to draw the Government as little as may be into the arena of discussion and conflict. This letter has, then, this purpose, to represent to the missionary the ground which his Government and its officers may rightfully take. It is a plea that they shall not embarrass us unduly, and that they shall yield to us consideration as they expect it from us, to the end that the best results for all may be worked out. I wish you to call together the missionaries at your port and to read this letter to them, or to bring it to their attention in some convenient way, and to say that I shall be glad to receive an expression of their views upon the subject, to be communicated to me in such manner as you and they may see fit. I add a word to yourself as to the course to be taken in missionary troubles. Be content in searching out the facts and in putting these before the native authorities. Make no explicit demands for this or that mode of settlement. Deal with all cases as if the authorities were well disposed, and with patience, avoiding in every way all that is likely to cause unnecessary irritation. Procure settlements as promptly as pos sible, and do not scrutinize the terms over-rigidly. Refer as few cases as possible for the action of the legation, but keep it fully informed of each step of your procedure. In fact, exercise on your part at all points that discretion and tact which we ask from the missionaries, and for the lack of which no officer can be entirely excused. You will be at liberty to give a copy of this letter to any one wishing it. In doing so, however, it must be understood that it is not open for publication. I have, &c., No. 37. GEORGE F. SEWARD. No. 31.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Fish. HONG-KONG, March 21, 1876. (Received May 27.) SIR: The exchange of the ratifications of the Peruvian treaty with China has been completed within the last six weeks, the Chinese text, which had been accidentally retained in Lima, having been received at Shanghai just after the close of navigation at the North. The great object of Peru in procuring a treaty was to promote Chinese immigration. This had been virtually stopped by the action taken at Macao, here in Hong-Kong, and by the Chinese authorities. The Peruvian minister indeed did not hesitate to offer more favorable terms for Chinese immigrants than have been granted by any other state, going so far as to agree to repatriate such Chinese as desire it, whose contracts have expired and who are unable for any reason to pay their own way back. They will be admitted to the courts and treated as well generally as the peoples of the most favored nations. Following up the policy of encouraging immigration, the Peruvian government is understood to have agreed to subsidize a line of steamships to bring the Chinese to her shores. So nearly as I can learn, the subsidy to be granted will be about $250,000. Beyond this the government will pay to the steamship company an agreed price for each laboring Chinese landed in Peru, the coolie receiving his passage without charge and the government recouping its outlay from the farmers who take the coolies under contracts to labor for one or more years. The government, it is said, proposes to guarantee to the coolie that the contract-price of his labor shall be not less than eighty cents a day. It is likely that the first steamers will be laid on within the next six months. I believe that the flow of migration by them will be very great, to the great advantage of Peru, whose want of labor is pressing, and the great advantage of the unemployed class here. Other South American states are in need of labor, and this they are likely to get from here in increasing proportions if the Peruvian scheme shall prove successful. An element of promise in the Peruvian scheme is a proposal to give to the steamers outward-bound cargoes of guano. As they must otherwise go in ballast or with a partial complement of passengers and cargo, the freight upon the guano could be reduced to a very low point. The, guano would, at a low figure, find a ready sale, probably displacing to an extent the beau and pea cakes of Manchuria, now used for fertilizing purposes in vast quantities. It is greatly to be hoped that the Peruvians will live up to their treaty engagements with the Chinese. From my intercourse with the late minister, Mr. Garcia, and the present chargé d'affaires, Mr. Elmore, I have confidence that they will. It is also to be hoped that the ministers of China who have been appointed to visit Peru shall not unduly embarrass the republic by sending to their own government reports of an overstrained character. The only effort which China need make is to see that, the treaty is carried out. It promises to her people all reasonable protection, and they may be left to decide for themselves whether they can better their condition by the exchange of residence. I have touched on this point in a previous dispatch, and mention it again because the disposition exists with certain Chinese statesmen to make capital out of the alleged abuses practiced upon their countrymen abroad, a belief which they are naturally prone to take up. It is our part, under these circumstances, in the interest of our relations with the empire, to dispute all unjust allegations of the sort. I have, &c., GEORGE F. SEWARD. No. 34.] No. 38. Mr. Seward to Mr. Fish. HONG KONG, March 22, 1876. (Received May 27.) SIR: At present all Chinese passengers starting for America go from this port. I find upon an examination of the colonial papers that during 1875 their number ran up to 19,168. This emigration exceeded that of 1874 by 3,180. The increase to all countries was 51 per cent. Less than 2 per cent. of the emigrants of 1875 to America were women. It will be seen that the flow of Chinese to the United States is small in comparison with that of people from the European countries. Furthermore it does not increase greatly. Speaking from memory I believe that the average migration of the last five years is not more than twice that of the corresponding term twenty years back. The Chinaman is becoming more and more disposed to seek fields for his industry abroad, but he is deterred from going to America because of political feeling there, because of unfavorable legislation, because of the difficulty of setting up family life there, and lastly and mainly be: canse, as I believe, he shrinks from contact with our restless, energetic civilization. He would rather go to the districts south of this, Siam, the Straits, and Java, where he is indisputably more active and acute than the natives, or to regions like some of those of Australia, where he can found colonies in places not yet sought out by white men. It is certain that a great immigration of Chinese into our Pacific States would give rise to grave political difficulties. But to my mind it is quite as certain that no such immigration will take place. The op portunities open to the Chinamen in other directions are prehaps nowhere else so lucrative, but they are more inviting to him for the reasons I have given. It is to be said further that, while he may earn a higher wage in America than at home, his expenses too are higher. He pays here less than a cent of our money for his sandals; his boots cost him in California perhaps five dollars. A mere comparison of the rates paid for labor here and there, leaving out of view other considerations, would lead to very wrong conclusions. And again his country is not so overpopulated as is believed. Under an improved system of administration, which would embrace the working of mines and minerals, the construction and operation of railroads, &c., there would be a demand at home for all the labor that would be available. As things are, there are perhaps as few persons pinched by want to be seen in the streets of most Chinese cities as in those of the cities of Christendom. If, then, the people of the Pacific States need Chinese labor, they may safely encourage immigration; when they cease to need it, the Chinese will cease to come to their shores. I mean by this that when the call for labor ceases to be an urgent one, the Chinaman will stop his migration in that direction. Even with a great call for labor in all our western and southern country, he cannot be induced to go to either. I have, &c., No. 39. GEORGE F. SEWARD. No. 52. Mr. Seward to Mr. Fish. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Peking, May 3, 1876. (Received June 19.) SIR: I have the honor to recur to the matter of the railway now being constructed at Shanghai, of which I wrote you in February, and to transmit to you a letter and its inclosures which I have received from Mr. Bradford, and my response. You will see that Mr. Bradford has very carefully observed the instructions which I gave him in February; a copy of which I sent to you at the time. I have not altogether approved the course taken in starting this enterprise. It presents, nevertheless, so many elements of promise, that I have felt disposed to give to it such support as I could, without departing from sound principles. In this I have been encouraged by the indications that the Chinese authorities are, from behind the veil, looking with interest for the result. Under these circumstances I hope for your approval of the course which I have pursued. I have, &c., [Inclosure 1 in No. 52.] GEORGE F. SEWARD. No. 470.] Mr. Bradford to Mr. Seward. UNITED STATES CONSULATE-GENERAL, SIR: Inclosed I have the honor to hand you, in duplicate, a copy of my correspondence with Feng, Taotai, at this port, on the subject of the railway to Woosung. I am, &c., O. B. BRADFORD, Vice-Consul-General. [Inclosure 1 in inclosure 1 in No. 52.] Feng, Taotai, to Mr. Bradford. 4TH, 3D MOON. (March 29, 1876.) As foreigners have presumed to build a railroad to Woosung, I have frequently called upon and requested Her Britannic Majesty's consul to stop the work on the road, but he has not agreed to do so. Some responsibility in the matter rests with his excellency the United States consul-general. I therefore have a few things to say below, and I have to request that you will, without delay, give orders for the work on the road to be stopped until an answer can be received from Peking, and have to request that you will favor me with an answer. First. To build a railroad from Shanghai to Woosung and run a steam-engine on the road is not only not in accordance with the expressed will of, but it is a direct insult to, the goverument. Second. In every country all public works, including the making of roads, is done by the authority of the government. Examine the globe, country by country, and there is no nation that would allow the people of any other nation to come-in and of their own accord build a railroad on their territory. Take the case of Japan; she borrowed money from a foreign country and built a railroad, but it was done by her own authority. If the Chinese government should allow men of other nations to come upon her territory and build a railroad, all the nations under the sun would laugh at her. Moreover, if this precedent should be established, I apprehend that other nations will not acquiesce in it. Third. The attempt to build in England or America a railroad that should injure the property of the people, or interfere with the public roads or water-courses, without the permission of the constituted authorities, would not be allowed. Fourth. When persons from one country become the real possessors of real estate in another country, such real estate is subject to the laws of that country, according to treaty stipulations. Fifth. The treaty between England and China nowhere grants the privilege of purchasing land for the purpose of making a railroad, neither does it specify that a road can be built from Shanghai to Woosung. Sixth. The railroad which has thus far been built has already shut up or damaged many public roads, and interfered with the water-courses, and greatly inconvenienced those who live near it. Seventh. The bridges which have been built over the creeks interfere with the boattraffic. Eighth. In the 11th year of Tung Che, 1873, Mr. Alabaster and your excellency, in behalf of some foreigners, wrote to the Taotai asking his sanction to the purchase of certain lands. At that time, if that foreigner knew perfectly well that land for an ordinary road could not be obtained without the sanction of the local officials, how much more a railroad. Ninth. At the time application was made to purchase land, it was for an ordinary ma-loo. Tenth. The Taotai's letter, Tung Che, 12th year, 2nd moon, 28th day, (March 26th, 1873,) did not grant the privilege of enlarging, adding to, or diverting from the object therein specified, or a right to levy a toll on the road. Eleventh. The consul, in applying for the right to purchase land, did not explain to the former Tantai the real object that the company had in view in purchasing land (for a road.) If the Taotai had known that the road was intended for a railroad, on which to run steam-cars, he never would have given his consent. Twelfth. Your excellency and Mr. Alabaster, at the first, applied for land to make a ma-loo; therefore the Taotai stamped the deeds. Now, to change the design and to build a railroad is at variance with the design specified in the joint letter of application. Therefore the acts of the Taotai, in stamping the title-deeds and issuing a proclamation in regard to the road, are null and void. Thirteenth. That which has been done (in regard to this road) has been the result of a secret scheme that would not be tolerated in any other country without the consent of the constituted authorities. Therefore, as Taotai, I, according to law and reason, write to protest against the road; for, on examining the letter asking the Taotai to sanction the building of the road, I have detected the selfish and false scheme. Even when Her Britannic Majesty's consul applied to have the material, &c., for the road exempted from duty, he did not explain the matter, but still called it a carriage-road. Whereupon I challenged him. Moreover, when he sent in title-deeds of the road, I declined to stamp them. And as there is a considerable portion of the road the titledeeds for which have not been stamped, how can such land be considered the property of the road company? I, according to law and reason, oppose the road with all my ability; not with force Fourteenth. In discussing this matter, I wish to state clearly to all the consuls, and especially to your excellency, that, according to the 8th article of the Burlingame treaty, the introduction of railroads in China was left to the discretion of the Chinese government. Now, the Chinese government has given no order or permission to build a railroad. If, therefore, the consul still persists in his delusive course, and accomplishes the work under way, it will be in violation of the treaty stipulation and of international law. And to support an underhanded scheme, that is deluding and insulting, is to inflict an injury upon the Chinese government and people. Moreover, to maintain such a position unmoved is to inflict an injury upon the Chinese government and upon all the treaty powers. Fifteenth. The 39th article of the English treaty with the Chinese government specifies that English merchants in shipping and landing goods must first get the permission of the superintendent of trade; otherwise the goods may be confiscated. Again, the 46th article specifies that the Chinese authorities at each port shall adopt the means they think most proper to prevent the revenue suffering from fraud or smuggling. Again, in the rules regulating trade, the 61st specifies that at each port the limits of the port within which goods may be shipped or landed shall be defined by the customs. The limits of the port of Shanghai within which goods may be shipped or landed were fixed by the customs to be from the new dock to the Temple of the Queen of Heaven. Merchant-vessels are not allowed to take in or discharge cargo outside of these limits. The mouth of the Woosung River is not a place where cargo can be received or discharged. Moreover, the whole region about the river is protected by dikes for the protection of the people; works of the first importance, that no one has the right to appropriate to his own use and sell for house-lots or jetties, &c. Now, what is the meaning of foreigners building a railroad and running steam-cars from Shanghai to Woosung, since cargo cannot be received or discharged at Woosung? If the customs regulations are violated, there would be nothing left for me to do but to seize and punish any violation according to law. I beg, then, to inquire what is the use of this railroad? Sixteenth. There are the English, French, and American concessions at Shanghai, extending from the Yang King Pang to Hong Kew. The mouth of the Woosung River is in the Pan Shan Hien, and not within the concessions at Shanghai. In the treaties of the various nations there is specified the port of Shanghai, but nothing is said about the port of Pan Shan Hien. In which of the concessions is this railroad located? Seventeenth. I suppose the movement of foreigners to build a railroad and run steamcars is because the Chinese have never had anything of the kind before, and that their intention is to attempt to extend it to regions beyond. But steamers, guns, and small-arms, the product of the West, the Chinese can make for themselves, and if they want railroads and steam-cars it would not be difficult for them to make them. Moreover, if foreigners make railroads, they must purchase or lease the land, which would make it very expensive. If Chinese make railroads, it will not be necessary for them to purchase the land. Thus, one is difficult and the other is easy. If foreigners wish to build the road for the purpose of deriving a profit, that cannot be done; and as the whole movement is a violation of treaty stipulations, I beg to inquire what is your object? In view of the above considerations, I have to request your excellency to request Her British Majesty's consul to give orders for the railroad company to stop work until answers are received from the English minister and the Tsung li Yamen, and I shall thank you very much. I have, &c. APRIL 7, 1876. [Inclosure 2 in inclosure 1 in No. 52.] M. T. Y. UNITED STATES CONSULATE-GENERAL, SIR: I have received your excellency's letter of the 4th day of the 3d moon, on the subject of the railroad to Woosung. As you state therein that this business has been referred by you to the government at Peking, I will send to the United States minister there a copy of your letter and of this my reply thereto. I shall not undertake to traverse the various statements and arguments advanced by you in your letter. I may remark, however, that the matter does not in my opinion merit the very serious treatment which you seem disposed to accord to it. If foreign |