SEDITIOUS PRACTICES.

March 4, 1793.

MR. Sheridan moved, « That an humble Address be presented " to His Majesty, praying, that he would be pleased to order "such communications as may have been received, as to the "existence of seditious practices in this country, to be laid before a "Committee of the House."

The motion having been seconded by Mr. Lambton,

MR. WINDHAM said, that he felt it difficult to answer the arguments of the Honourable Gentleman; fince they were arguments in which he himself was peculiarly implicated. To a speech, however, so irregular, so various, and composed of such heterogenous materials, he should give every possible degree of method that was in his power. The Honourable Gentleman, Mr. Windham complained, had used the artifice too often to be met with in polemick controversy: that of changing the question, and then arguing upon it. He had talked of plots and insurrections; but the existence of plots and insurrections had never been the question. The question was the state of the country, which, in his opinion, was such as would

have led to plots and insurrections. It related to seditious practices hitherto unknown, calling loudly for an effectual remedy, and amply justifying every act that had been adopted for the prevention of their farther progress. The species of insurrection stated in the proclamation, purported to be exactly what it was: and when Gentlemen called for proofs of acts of positive insurrection, they called for proofs of what had never been asserted. Of the facts which had been cited, proofs had not been given, because they were deemed unnecessary. The whole country had teemed with seditious publications; and when the state of the country had been talked of as justifying alarm, was not that fact sufficient? Another fact, no less convincing to his mind, as the foundation of national fear, was the assiduity with which those seditious publications had been circulated. To ask for proofs of the existence of those facts were as absurd as to ask for proofs of the existence of General Du mourier and the minds of men might be as much perplexed by questions from a subtle inquirer on the one subject as on the other. Might not a man from a combination of various disconnected circumstances, receive a convincing impression of a general fact, and yet not be able to state any particular proofs of such fact? Would Gentlemen be convinced by nothing less than ocular or tangible evidence of every subject of inquiry? Such reasoners no statement would satisfy; and if he should say, that there was a discontented spirit at Norwich, they might ask what judgment he could thence form concerning other parts of the king

dom? But it happened, that his conviction arose not from knowledge of so partial a nature. He had seen symptoms of a discontented spirit, not at Norwich only, but at various other places, and when people of all descriptions, from all parts of the kingdom, seemed to concur in feeling the same species of alarm, however false particular rumours might be, such terror could not be totally unfounded; there could not exist so much smoke without fire! One of the charges, Mr. Windham observed, that had been brought forward against Government on the present occasion was, that they had for a long time meant to carry on a war against France, and therefore had created the present alarm but to that charge, no other answer appeared necessary than a reference to dates. The alarm had existed in November last, and Government did not take their first measures till December. That alarm had called forth the different loyal associations which had been so much misrepresented, but which had merited the highest praise; and none more so than that which had been so calumniated, of the Crown and Anchor; an association, that had actually been the means of saving this country. When the Honourable Gentleman wondered that he who had been in the habits of acting with opposition should at present act with administration, he hoped that the circumstance of his having long represented the state of the country to administration, and now supported them in their measures, taken for its safety, would be considered as an evidence of his sincerity on the subject. The Honourable Gentleman had declared that the more uniform

and universal that fear might have been, the more doubt ought there to be of the existence of real danger: but this was a new theory; and to his mind it appeared more an universality of fear, than any principle of panic which that Honourable Gentleman could have discovered. There was not a writer on the subject, who had not boasted that this was a new era in the history of mankind; an æra when light was more than usually diffused, and when public opinion was beginning to be heard, and could not be resisted. Other men might form a far different judgment; they might. declare that the engine of these irresistible efforts was not that of public opinion, but that it was the engine of the press, set to work by every possible art, and addressed to the passions of men, who were incapable of being actuated by an appeal to their reason. When these means had already overturned the Government of a neighbouring country from its base, ought we not to guard from such fatal effects? It had been said . by the agents of Mr. Paine, that the principles which would produce the same event in this country were operating with the silence and rapidity of thought. He firmly believed it: the fact was, some time since, to be ascertained from the general opinions of the people; from the fears of those who dreaded the event; from the sanguine expectations of those who wished it. It had been the ruin of the Government of France, that they did not adopt and carry into practice timely measures of prevention; and should we not take warning from the lamentable example of that unhappy country? Who were the governors of France

at this moment?, People raised from the lowest to the highest situations, who domineered over the fairest cities and a change in the political system of this country would throw power into the hands of characters similar to those in France who have followed the series of reformers, too many to be enumerated. Was the probability of such an event no just subject of alarm and danger? The massacres of the 2d of September were said to have been produced by a mere handful of men. If that were true, if so small a number could accomplish so extensive a mischief in Paris, guarded by armed troops, could such a city as London escape the blow? Mr. Windham then stated a report which he had heard, of clubs having been formed, to which those who were admitted received money for their attendance, and were told that their services would be wanted on some future occasion. Such a report might possibly be untrue, but he had certainly heard it, and he had it from people not connected with each other. When it was asserted that such clubs met only for the purpose of parliamentary reform, and conducted themselves in an orderly manner, he thought that the ground for alarm was greater; just as he should have more reason to fear an hostile army on being told that it was well disciplined. It was curious that Gentlemen should require proofs of such a fact as that of the opinion entertained throughout the kingdom. The unanimous consent of the House of Commons, on meeting after the recess, was pretty good evidence of such a fact. As to his having canvassed for Government, he denied