every other service was overlooked; all our attention was engaged on one side; and we were, as it were, lame of one leg.

It was under these circumstances that the events in Egypt occurred. Whole wars might pass over without affording an opportunity of fairly measuring our strength with the enemy. But in Egypt the very scene seemed to be chosen for a fair trial of strength

the two armies seemed as it were to be withdrawn from the world. They were both left without any other resource than that which they could draw from their own courage and discipline; they had no allies to share the merit of victory, or bear the disgrace of defeat. Their motto seemed to be "Væ Victi!" and all they asked was a clear stage, and no favour. Who were those that we conquered? not Greeks or Copts, Batavians or Cisalpines, who have been found to recruit these armies by which they had been conquered; but the tried, the chosen, the best troops of France: we were contending with the pride and glory of the Republic, with troops whom the French themselves would have chosen as the depositaries of their military character. He would not say that those we had beaten were the best of those troops who had been sent to Egypt; but undoubtedly, having remained the longest, they had more of that character which is supposed to belong to veterans. We knew what they thought of themselves - we knew that they boasted that they would destroy us if they once caught us out of our ships; but, like the young and untried Orlando, we overthrew the experienced wrestler; and he might

say, that upon this occasion we had given them a Rowland for their Oliver. He would not say, in the language of the same piece, that "no one would entreat them to another encounter.' He would not do the French army in Egypt injustice: he did not doubt but that they would venture another encounter; he would not say that fortune might not be favourable to them in it but this he would say, that from this time forth no French army would ever meet an English army with any thing like feelings of contempt; they would know that they could not rely upon any superiority of courage or discipline. He thought he had a right to urge all these to the house as compensations for our losses. We might sustain still greater ones, the expedition might (which God forbid,) ultimately fail! for no man could say that we were out of fortune's reach; but whatever the event might be, it could not take from us our glory; in that respect we were out of the reach of chance. He did not urge these considerations as a justification of the conduct of ministers, but as compensations for the losses we had sustained.

He really did not think it necessary for him to occupy more of the time of the house, and to prevent it from proceeding to other business, as the Honourable Gentleman had not advanced one argument upon the subject, that had not been before completely answered. He was, however, glad the subject had been introduced, because it gave him an opportunity of making these few observations, and of doing justice to the

military character of the country. This was a subject upon which our children and grand-children would dwell with pride—they would talk of Egypt and of Abercrombie with as much exultation as we had been accustomed, till these degenerate days, to speak of Cressy and of Agincourt: but this was not all, the enemy might attempt to invade us, to endeavour to do that which he believed was their object from the commencement of the war, viz. to effect our ruin; in such a case, would our achievements in Egypt have no effect in inspiring the people of England with confidence, and throwing a damp upon the enemy? The French were confident, because they had been generally successful;

Possunt quia posse videntur.

He was sorry to say, that among many people in this country, the common language was, "The French are invincible, no troops can meet them in the field, our army cannot stand before them, we must lay down. our arms, and throw ourselves upon the tender mercies of our enemy:" such language had been used, and would be used by those who considered the cause of France as their own. But those who had been led to despond by weakly over-rating the power of the enemy, and under-valuing our own, would henceforth entertain no doubt about the valour and discipline of the British troops. With respect to the subject now before the house, he felt no anxiety; every argument that had been advanced had been repeatedly answered,

and therefore he should not trespass any longer upon the attention of the house.

Mr. Grey spoke in favour of the motion; - Mr. Pitt against it. On a division, the numbers were,

INDEMNITY BILL.

June 5, 1801.

THE order of the day being read for the house to resolve itself into a Committee of the whole house, upon the Bill for indemnify

ing

such persons as, since the first day of February 1793, have acted in the apprehending, imprisoning, or detaining in custody, in Great Britain, of persons suspected of High Treason, or Treasonable Practices; and several Petitions against the said Bill having been presented and ordered to lie on the table, the Attorney-General moved, that the Speaker should leave the Chair. The motion having been opposed by Mr. Jekyll, Sir Francis Burdett, and Mr. Grey,

MR.WINDHAM said that he was desirous of taking immediate notice of some of the observations of the Honourable Gentleman who had just sat down, most of which, although in themselves good, were answered without much difficulty, because they were of a general nature. The Honourable Gentleman who had just sat down had arranged his subject under three heads :the manner in which this subject was brought forward the principle of the measure and the arguments by which it was supported. The silence of his Honour”