Слике страница
PDF
ePub

House, and the lobbies and galleries filled to the people. It is no such thing. We all know their utmost capacity by visitors and spectators, how these legislative returns have been obtained. the scene became grand and impressive. A few It is by dictation from the White House. The President himself, with that vast mass of patronspoke on the side of the resolution-chiefly age which he wields, and the thousand expectaRives, Buchanan, Niles - and with an air of tions he is able to hold up, has obtained these ease and satisfaction that bespoke a quiet deter-votes of the State Legislatures; and this, formination, and a consciousness of victory. The committee room had been resorted to in parties of four and six at a time, always leaving enough on watch and not resorted to by one side alone. The opposition were invited to a full participa

sooth, is said to be the voice of the people. The voice of the people! Sir, can we forget the scene which was exhibited in this chamber when that expunging resolution was first introduced here? Have we forgotten the universal giving way of conscience, so that the senator from Missouri was left alone? I see before me setion-an invitation of which those who were nators who could not swallow that resolution; able to maintain their good temper readily avail- and has its nature changed since then? Is it ed themselves; but the greater part were not in any more constitutional now than it was then? a humor to eat any thing-especially at such a Not at all. But executive power has interposfeast. The night was wearing away: the ex-sir. It is the combination of patronage and ed. Talk to me of the voice of the people! No, pungers were in full force-masters of the cham- power to coerce this body into a gross and palber-happy-and visibly determined to remain. pable violation of the constitution. Some indiIt became evident to the great opposition leaders viduals, I perceive, think to escape through the that the inevitable hour had come: that the particular form in which this act is to be perpetrated. They tell us that the resolution on damnable deed was to be done that night: and your records is not to be expunged, but is only that the dignity of silence was no longer to them to be endorsed 'Expunged.' Really, sir, I do a tenable position. The battle was going against not know how to argue against such contemptithem, and they must go into it, without being able ble sophistry. The occasion is too solemn for to re-establish it. In the beginning, they had violate the constitution, and you get rid of the an argument of this sort. You are going to not considered the expunging movement a seri-infamy by a falsehood. You yourselves say that ous proceeding: as it advanced they still expected it to miscarry on some point: now the reality of the thing stood before them, confronting their presence, and refusing to "down at any command. They broke silence, and gave vent to language which bespoke the agony of their feelings, and betrayed the revulsion of stomach with which they approached the odious subject. Mr. Calhoun said:

[ocr errors]

"No one, not blinded by party zeal, can possibly be insensible that the measure proposed is a violation of the constitution. The constitution requires the Senate to keep a journal; this resolution goes to expunge the journal. If you may expunge a part, you may expunge the whole; and if it is expunged, how is it kept? The constitution says the journal shall be kept; this resolution says it shall be destroyed. It does the very thing which the constitution declares shall not be done. That is the argument, the whole argument. There is none other. Talk of precedents? and precedents drawn from a foreign country? They don't apply. No, sir. This is to be done, not in consequence of argument, but in spite of argument. I understand the case. I know perfectly well the gentlemen have no liberty to vote otherwise. They are coerced by an exterior power. They try, indeed, to comfort their conscience by saying that it is the will of the people, and the voice of

the resolution is expunged by your order. Yet
you say it is not expunged. You put your act
round and deny it.
express words. You record it, and then turn

in

"But why do I waste my breath? I know it is all utterly vain. The day is gone; night approaches, and night is suitable to the dark deed we meditate. There is a sort of destiny in this thing. The act must be performed; and it is an act which will tell on the political history of this country for ever. Other preceding violations of the constitution (and they have been many and great) filled my bosom with indignation, but this fills it only with grief. Others were done in the heat of party. Power was, as it were, compelled to support itself by seizing upon new instruments of influence and patronage; and there were ambitious and able men to direct the process. Such was the removal of the deposits, which the President seized upon by a new and unprecedented act of arbitrary power; an act which gave him ample means of rewarding friends and punishing enemies. Something may, perhaps, be pardoned to him in this matter, on the old apology of tyrants-the plea of necessity. But here there can be no such apology. Here no necessity can so much as be pretended. This act originates in pure, unmixed, personal idolatry. It is the melancholy evidence of a broken spirit, ready to bow at the feet of power. The former act was such a one as might have been perpetrated in the days of Pompey or Cæsar; but an act like

this could never have been consummated by a Roman Senate until the times of Caligula and Nero."

Mr. Calhoun was right in his taunt about the universal giving way when the resolution was first introduced-the solitude in which the mover was then left-and in which solitude he would have been left to the end, had it not been for his courage in reinstating the word expunge, and appealing to the people.

Mr. Clay commenced with showing that he had never believed in the reality of the proceeding until now; that he had considered the resolution as a thing to be taken up for a speech, and laid down when the speech was delivered; and that the last laying down, at the previous session, was the end of the matter. He said:

cessary powers of the Senate, and repugnant to the constitution of the United States, the manner in which it is proposed to accomplish this dark deed is also highly exceptionable. The expunging resolution, which is to blot out or enshroud the four or five lines in which the the recitals by which it is preceded, are spun resolution of 1834 stands recorded, or rather out into a thread of enormous length. It runs, whereas, and whereas, and whereas, and whereas, and whereas, &c., into a formidable array of

nine several whereases. One who should have the courage to begin to read them, unaware of what was to be their termination, would think that at the end of such a tremendous display he must find the very devil."

And then coming to the conclusion, he concentrated his wrath and grief in an apostrophizing peroration, which lacked nothing but verisimilitude to have been grand and affecting. Thus:

"Considering that he was the mover of the resolution of March, 1834, and the consequent "But why should I detain the Senate, or relation in which he stood to the majority of needlessly waste my breath in fruitless exerthe Senate by whose vote it was adopted, he tions. Ths decree has gone forth. It is one of had felt it to be his duty to say something urgency, too. The deed is to be done-that foul on this expunging resolution; and he had deed which, like the blood-stained hands of the always intended to do so when he should be guilty Macbeth, all ocean's waters will never persuaded that there existed a settled purpose wash out. Proceed, then, with the noble work of pressing it to a final decision. But it had which lies. before you, and, like other skilful been so taken up and put down at the last ses-executioners, do it quickly. And when you have sion-taken up one day, when a speech was perpetrated it, go home to the people, and tell prepared for delivery, and put down when it was them what glorious honors you have achieved pronounced that he had really doubted whe- for our common country. Tell them that you ther there existed any serious intention of ever have extinguished one of the brightest and putting it to the vote. At the very close of the purest lights that ever burnt at the altar of last session, it will be recollected that the reso- civil liberty. Tell them that you have silenced lution came up, and in several quarters of the one of the noblest batteries that ever thundered Senate a disposition was manifested to come to in defence of the constitution, and bravely spiked a definitive decision. On that occasion he had the cannon. Tell them that, henceforward, no offered to waive his right to address the Senate, matter what daring or outrageous act any Presiand silently to vote upon the resolution; but it dent may perform, you have for ever hermetiwas again laid upon the table; and laid there for cally sealed the mouth of the Senate. Tell ever, as the country supposed, and as he be- them that he may fearlessly assume what powlieved. It is, however, now revived; and, sun-ers he pleases, snatch from its lawful custody dry changes having taken place in the members of this body, it would seem that the present design is to bring the resolution to an absolute conclusion."

Then, after an argument against the expurgation, which, of necessity, was obliged to be a recapitulation of the argument in favor of the original condemnation of the President, he went on to give vent to his feelings in expressions not less bitter and denunciatory of the President and his friends than those used by Mr. Calhoun, saying:

"But if the matter of expunction be contrary to the truth of the case, reproachful for its base subserviency, derogatory from the just and ne

the public purse, command a military detach-
ment to enter the halls of the capitol, overawe
Congress, trample down the constitution, and
raze every bulwark of freedom; but that the
Senate must stand mute, in silent submission,
and not dare to raise its opposing voice. That
it must wait until a House of Representatives,
humbled and subdued like itself, and a majority
shall prefer articles of impeachment. Tell them,
of it composed of the partisans of the President,
finally, that you have restored the glorious doc-
trines of passive obedience and non-resistance.
And, if the people do not pour out their indig-
nation and imprecations, I have to learn the
yet
character of American freemen."

Mr. Webster spoke last, and after a pause in the debate which seemed to indicate its concl

of the opposition. They began to falter under a useless persistence, for they alone now did the speaking; and while Mr. Webster was yet reciting his protest, two senators from the oppo

sion; and only rose, and that slowly, as the question was about to be put. Having no personal griefs in relation to General Jackson like Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Clay, and with a temperament less ardent, he delivered himself with com-site side, who had been best able to maintain their parative moderation, confining himself to a brief protest against the act; and concluding, in measured and considered language, with expressing his grief and mortification at what he was to behold; thus:

"We have seen, with deep and sincere pain, the legislatures of respectable States instructing the senators of those States to vote for and support this violation of the journal of the Senate; and this pain is infinitely increased by our full belief, and entire conviction, that most, if not all these proceedings of States had their origin in promptings from Washington; that they have been urgently requested and insisted on, as being necessary to the accomplishment of the intended purpose; and that it is nothing else but the influence and power of the executive branch of this government which has brought the legislatures of so many of the free States of this Union to quit the sphere of their ordinary duties, for the purpose of co-operating to accomplish a measure, in our judgment, so unconstitional, so derogatory to the character of the Senate, and marked with so broad an impression of compliance with power. But this resolution is to pass. We expect it. That cause, which has been powerful enough to influence so many State legislatures, will show itself powerful enough, especially with such aids, to secure the passage of the resolution here. We make up our minds to behold the spectacle which is to We collect ourselves to look on, in silence, while a scene is exhibited which, if we did not regard it as a ruthless violation of a sacred instrument, would appear to us to be little elevated above the character of a contemptible farce. This scene we shall behold; and hundreds of American citizens, as many as may crowd into these lobbies and galleries, will behold it also: with what feelings I do not undertake to say."

ensue.

Midnight was now approaching. The dense masses which filled every inch of room in the lobbies and the galleries, remained immovable. No one went out: no one could get in. The floor of the Senate was crammed with privileged persons, and it seemed that all Congress was there. Expectation, and determination to see the conclusion, was depicted upon every countenance. It was evident there was to be no adjournment until the vote should be taken-until the deed was done; and this aspect of invincible determination, had its effect upon the ranks

equanimity, came round to the author of this View, and said "This question has degenerated into a trial of nerves and muscles. It has become a question of physical endurance; and we see no use in wearing ourselves out to keep off for a few hours longer what has to come before we separate. We see that you are able and determined to carry your measure: so call the vote as soon as you please. We shall say no more." Mr. Webster concluded. No one rose. There was a pause, a dead silence, and an intense feeling. Presently the silence was invaded by the single word "question"-the parliamentary call for a vote-rising from the seats of different senators. One blank in the resolve remained to be filled-the date of its adoption. It was done. The acting president of the Senate, Mr. King, of Alabama, then directed the roll to be called. The yeas and nays had been previously ordered, and proceeded to be called by the secretary of the Senate, Mr. Asbury Dickens. Forty-three senators were present, answering: five absent. The yeas were:

"Messrs. Benton, Brown, Buchanan, Dana, King of Alabama, Linn, Morris, Nicholas, Niles, Ewing of Illinois, Fulton, Grundy, Hubbard, Page, Rives, Robinson, Ruggles, Sevier, Strange, Tallmadge, Tipton, Walker, Wall, Wright.

"NAYS.-Messrs. Bayard, Black, Calhoun, Clay, Crittenden, Davis, Ewing of Ohio, Hendricks, Kent, Knight, Moore, Prentiss, Preston, Robbins, Southard, Swift, Tomlinson, Webster, White."

The passage of the resolution was announced from the chair. Mr. Benton rose, and said that nothing now remained but to execute the order of the Senate; which he moved be done forthwith. It was ordered accordingly. The Secretary thereupon produced the original manuscript journal of the Senate, and opening at the page which contained the condemnatory sentence of March 28th, 1834, proceeded in open Senate to draw a square of broad black lines around the sentence, and to write across its face in strong letters these words: "Expunged by order of the Senate, this 16th day of March, 1837." Up to this moment the crowd

in the great circular gallery, looking down upon immediately over his head, and had evidently the Senate, though sullen and menacing in their collected into that place. His motion was agreed looks, had made no manifestation of feeling; to. The order to clear the galleries was revoked; and it was doubtless not the intention of Mr. the order to seize the disturbers was given, and Webster to excite that manifestation when he immediately executed by the energetic sergeantreferred to their numbers, and expressed his ig-at-arms, Mr. John Shackford, and his assistants. norance of the feeling with which they would The ringleader was seized, and brought to the see the deed done which he so much deprecated. bar. This sudden example intimidated the rest; Doubtless no one intended to excite that crowd, mainly composed, as of usual since the bank question began, of friends of that institution; but its appearance became such that Senator Linn, colleague of Senator Benton, Mr. George W. Jones, since senator from Iowa, and others sent out and brought in arms; other friends gathered about him; among them Mrs. Benton, who, remembering what had happened to General Jackson, and knowing that, after him, her husband was most obnoxious to the bank party, had her anxiety sufficiently excited to wish to be near him in this concluding scene of a seven years' contest with that great moneyed power. Things were in this state when the Secretary of the Senate began to perform the expunging process on the manuscript journal. Instantly a storm of hisses, groans, and vociferations arose from the left wing of the circular gallery, over the head of Senator Benton. The presiding officer promptly gave the order, which the rules prescribe in such cases, to clear the gallery. Mr. Benton opposed the order, saying:

Let

"I hope the galleries will not be cleared, as many innocent persons will be excluded, who have been guilty of no violation of order. the ruffians who have made the disturbance alone be punished: let them be apprehended. I hope the sergeant-at-arms will be directed to enter the gallery, and seize the ruffians, ascertaining who they are in the best way he can. Let him apprehend them and bring them to the bar of the Senate. Let him seize the bank ruffians. I hope that they will not now be suffered to insult the Senate, as they did when it was under the power of the Bank of the United States, when ruffians, with arms upon them, insulted us with impunity. Let them be taken and brought to the bar of the Senate. Here is one just above me, that may easily be identified-the bank ruffians!"

Mr. Benton knew that he was the object of this outrage, and that the way to treat these subaltern wretches was to defy and seize them, and have them dragged as criminals to the bar of the Senate. They were congregated

and the expunging process was performed in quiet. The whole scene was impressive; but no part of it so much so as to see the great leaders who, for seven long years had warred upon General Jackson, and a thousand times pronounced him ruined, each rising in his place, with pain and reluctance, to confess themselves vanquished—to admit his power, and their weakness-and to exhale their griefs in unavailing reproaches, and impotent deprecations. It was a tribute to his invincibility which cast into the shade all the eulogiums of his friends. The gratification of General Jackson was extreme. He gave a grand dinner to the expungers (as they were called) and their wives; and being too weak to sit at the table, he only met the company, placed the "head-expunger" in his chair, and withdrew to his sick chamber. That expurgation! it was the "crowning mercy" of his civil, as New Orleans had been of his military, life!

CHAPTER CLXII.

THE SUPREME COURT JUDGES AND OFFICERS.

THE death of Chief Justice Marshall had vacated that high office, and Roger B. Taney, Esq., was nominated to fill it. He still encountered opposition in the Senate; but only enough to show how much that opposition had declined since the time when he was rejected as Secretary of the Treasury. The vote against his confirmation was reduced to fifteen; namely: Messrs. Black of Mississippi; Calhoun, Clay, Crittenden; Ewing of Ohio; Leigh of Virginia; Mangum ; Naudain of Delaware; Porter of Louisiana; Preston; Robbins of Rhode Island; Southard, Tomlinson, Webster, White of Tennessee.

Among the Justices of the Supreme Court, these changes took place from the commence

ment of this View to the end of General Jack-General Jackson had to confront it as a present, son's administration: Smith Thompson, Esq., actual, subsisting danger; and said:

of New York, in 1823, in place of Brockholst Livingston, Esq., deceased; Robert Trimble, Esq., of Kentucky, in 1826, in place of Thomas Todd, deceased; John McLean, Esq., of Ohio, in 1829, in place of Robert Trimble, deceased; Henry Baldwin, Esq., of Pennsylvania, in 1830, in place of Bushrod Washington, deceased; James M. Wayne, Esq., of Georgia, in 1835, in place of William Johnson, deceased; Philip P. Barbour, Esq., of Virginia, in 1836, in place of Gabriel Duval, resigned.

In the same time, William Griffith, Esq. of New Jersey, was appointed Clerk, in 1826, in place of Elias B. Caldwell, deceased; and William Thomas Carroll, Esq., of the District of Columbia, was appointed, in 1827, in place of William Griffith, deceased. Of the reporters of the decisions of the Supreme Court, Richard Peters, jr., Esq., of Pennsylvania, was appointed, in 1828, in place of Henry Wheaton; and Benjamin C. Howard, Esq., of Maryland, was appointed, in 1843, to succeed Mr. Peters, de

ceased.

"We behold systematic efforts publicly made to sow the seeds of discord between different parts of the United States, and to place party divisions directly upon geographical distinctions; to excite the South against the North, and the controversy the most delicate and exciting toNorth against the South, and to force into the pics-topics upon which it is impossible that a large portion of the Union can ever speak without strong emotion. Appeals, too, are constantly the election of the Chief Magistrate, as if it were made to sectional interests, in order to influence desired that he should favor a particular quarter of the country, instead of fulfilling the duties of his station with impartial justice to all; and the possible dissolution of the Union has at length become an ordinary and familiar subject of discussion. Has the warning voice of Washington been forgotten? or have designs already been formed to sever the Union? Let it not be supposed that I impute to all of those who have taken an active part in these unwise and unprofitable discussions, a want of patriotism or of public virtue. The honorable feelings of State pride, and local attachments, find a place in the while such men are conscious of their own inbosoms of the most enlightened and pure. But tegrity and honesty of purpose, they ought never to forget that the citizens of other States are their political brethren; and that, however mistaken they may be in their views, the great with themselves. Mutual suspicions and rebody of them are equally honest and upright

The Marshals of the District, during the same period, were: Henry Ashton, of the District of Columbia, appointed, in 1831, in place of Tench Ringgold; Alexander Hunter, of the same District, in place of Henry Ashton; Robertproaches may in time create mutual hostility; Wallace, in 1848 in place of Alexander Hunter, deceased; Richard Wallach, in 1849, in place of Robert Wallace; and Jonah D. Hoover, in 1853, in place of Richard Wallach.

CHAPTER CLXIII.

and artful and designing men will always be found, who are ready to foment these fatal dividifferent sections of the country! The history sions, and to inflame the natural jealousies of of the world is full of such examples, and especially the history of republics.

"What have you to gain by division and dissension? Delude not yourselves with the belief, that a breach, once made, may be afterwards repaired. If the Union is once severed, the line of separation will grow wider and wider; and the controversies which are now debated and settled in the halls of legislation, will then be

FAREWELL ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT JACKSON- tried in fields of battle, and determined by the

EXTRACT.

FOLLOWING the example of Washington, General Jackson issued a Farewell Address to the people of the United States, at his retiring from the presidency; and, like that of Washington, it was principally devoted to the danger of disunion, and to the preservation of harmony and good feeling between the different sections of the country. General Washington only had to contemplate the danger of disunion, as a possibility, and as an event of future contingency;

sword. Neither should you deceive yourselves with the hope, that the first line of separation would be the permanent one, and that nothing but harmony and concord would be found in the new associations formed upon the dissolu

tion of this Union. Local interests would still

be found there, and unchastened ambition. And if the recollection of common dangers, in which the people of these United States stood side by side against the common foe-the memory of perity and happiness they have enjoyed under victories won by their united valor; the prosthe present constitution; the proud name they bear as citizens of this great republic—if all

« ПретходнаНастави »