different States, constituting a national representation of great weight, efficiency and decorum. The Supreme Court was still presided over by Chief Justice Marshall, almost septuagenarian, and still in the vigor of his intellect, associated with Mr. Justice Story, Mr. Justice Johnson, of South Carolina, Mr. Justice Duval, and Mr. Justice Washington, of Virginia. Thus all the departments, and all the branches of the government, were ably and decorously filled, and the friends of popular representative institutions might contemplate their administration with pride and pleasure, and challenge their comparison with any government in the world, CHAPTER II. ADMISSION OF THE STATE OF MISSOURI. THIS was the exciting and agitating question of the session of 1820-21. The question of restriction, that is, of prescribing the abolition of slavery within her limits, had been "compromised " the session before, by agreeing to admit the State without restriction, and abolishing it in all the remainder of the province of Louisiana, north and west of the State of Missouri, and north of the parallel of 36 degrees, 30 minutes. This "compromise" was the work of the South, sustained by the united voice of Mr. Monroe's cabinet, the united voices of the Southern senators, and a majority of the Southern representatives. The unanimity of the cabinet has been shown, impliedly, by a letter of Mr. Monroe, and positively by the Diary of Mr. John Quincy Adams. The unanimity of the slave States in the Senate, where the measure originated, is shown by its journal, not on the motion to insert the section constituting the compromise (for on that motion the yeas and nays were not taken), but on the motion to strike it out, when they were taken, and showed 30 votes for the compromise, and 15 against it—every one of the latter from nonslaveholding States-the former comprehending every slave State vote present, and a few from the North. As the constitutionality of this compromise, and its binding force, have, in these latter times, begun to be disputed, it is well to give the list of the senators names voting for it, that it may be seen that they were men of judgment and weight, able to know what the consti tution was, and not apt to violate it. They were Governor Barbour and Governor Pleasants, of Virginia; Mr. James Brown and Governor Henry Johnson, of Louisiana; Governor Edwards and Judge Jesse B. Thomas, of Illinois; Mr. Elliott and Mr. Walker, of Georgia; Mr. Gaillard, President, pro tempore, of the Senate, and Judge William Smith, from South Carolina; Messrs. Horsey and Van Dyke, of Delaware; Colonel Richard M. Johnson and Judge Logan, from Kentucky; Mr. William R. King, since Vice-President of the United States, and Judge John W. Walker, from Alabama; Messrs. Leake and Thomas H. Williams, of Mississippi; Governor Edward Lloyd, and the great jurist and orator, William Pinkney, from Maryland; Mr. Macon and Governor Stokes, from North Carolina; Messrs. Walter Lowrie and Jonathan Roberts, from Pennsylvania; Mr. Noble and Judge Taylor, from Indiana; Mr. Palmer, from Vermont; Mr. Parrott, from New Hampshire. This was the vote of the Senate for the compromise. In the House, there was some division among Southern members; but the whole vote in favor of it was 134, to 42 in the negative-the latter comprising some Northern members, as the former did a majority of the Southernamong them one whose opinion had a weight never exceeded by that of any other American statesman, William Lowndes, of South Carolina. This array of names shows the Missouri compromise to have been a Southern measure, and the event put the seal upon that character by showing it to be acceptable to the South. But it had not allayed the Northern feeling against an increase of slave States, then openly avowed to be a question of political power between the two sections of the Union. The State of Missouri made her constitution, sanctioning slavery, and forbidding the legislature to interfere with it. This prohibition, not usual in State constitutions, was the effect of the Missouri controversy and of foreign interference, and was adopted for the sake of peace-for the sake of internal tranquillity-and to prevent the agitation of the slave question, which could only be accomplished by excluding it wholly from the forum of elections and legislation. I was myself the instigator of that prohibition, and the cause of its being put into the constitution-though not a member of the convention-being equally opposed to slavery agitation and to slavery extension. There was also a clause in it, authorizing the legislature to prohibit the emigration of free people of color into the State; and this clause was laid hold of in Congress to resist the admission of the State. It was treated as a breach of that clause in the federal constitution, which guarantees equal privileges in all the States to the citizens of every State, of which privileges the right of emigration was one; and free people of color being admitted to citizenship in some of the States, this prohibition of emigration was held to be a violation of that privilege in their persons. But the real point of objection was the slavery clause, and the existence of slavery in the State, which it sanctioned, and seemed to perpetuate. The constitution of the State, and her application for admission, was presented by her late delegate and representative elect, Mr. John Scott; and on his motion, was referred to a select committee. Mr. Lowndes, of South Carolina, Mr. John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, and General Samuel Smith, of Maryland, were appointed the committee; and the majority being from slave States, a resolution was quickly reported in favor of the admission of the State. But the majority of the House being the other way, the resolution was rejected, 79 to 83-and by a clear slavery and anti-slavery vote, the exceptions being but three, and they on the side of admission, and contrary to the sentiment of their own State. They were Mr. Henry Shaw, of Massachusetts, and General Bloomfield and Mr. Bernard Smith, of New-Jersey, In the Senate, the application of the State shared a similar fate. The constitution was referred to a committee of three, Messrs. Judge William Smith, of South Carolina, Mr. James Burrill, of Rhode Island, and Mr. Macon, of North CaroJina, a majority of whom being from slave States, a resolution of admission was reported, and passed the Senate-Messrs. Chandler and Holmes of Maine, voting with the friends of admission; but was rejected in the House of Representatives. A second resolution to the same effect passed the Senate, and was again rejected in the House. A motion was then made in the House by Mr. Clay to raise a committee to act jointly with any committee which might be appointed by the Senate, "to consider and report to the Senate and the House respectively, whether it be expedient or not, to make provision for the admission of Missouri into the Union on the same footing as the original States, and for the due execution of the laws of the United States within Missouri? and if not, whether any other, and what provision adapted to her actual condition ought to be made by law." This motion was adopted by a majority of nearly two to one-101 to 55—which shows a large vote in its favor from the non-slaveholding States. Twentythree, being a number equal to the number of the States, were then appointed on the part of the House, and were: Messrs. Clay, Thomas W. Cobb, of Georgia; Mark Langdon Hill, of Massachusetts; Philip P. Barbour, of Virginia; Henry R. Storrs, of New-York; John Cocke, of Tennessee, Christopher Rankin, of Mississippi; William S. Archer, of Virginia; William Brown, of Kentucky; Samuel Eddy, from Rhode Island; William D. Ford, of New-York; William Culbreth, Aaron Hackley, of New-York; Samuel Moore, of Pennsylvania, James Stevens, of Connecticut; Thomas J. Rogers, from Pennsylvania; Henry Southard, of New-Jersey; John Randolph; James S. Smith, of North Carolina; William Darlington, of Pennsylvania; Nathaniel Pitcher, of New-York; John Sloan, of Ohio, and Henry Baldwin, of Pennsylvania. The Senate by a vote almost unanimous-29 to 7-agreed to the joint committee proposed by the House of Representatives; and Messrs. John Holmes, of Maine; James Barbour, of Virginia; Jonathan Roberts, of Pennsylvania; David L. Morril, of New-Hampshire; Samuel L. Southard, of New-Jersey; Colonel Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky; and Rufus King, of New-York, to be a committee on its part. The joint committee acted, and soon reported a resolution in favor of the admission of the State, upon the condition that her legislature should first declare that the clause in her constitution relative to the free colored emigration into the State, should never be construed to authorize the passage of any act by which any citizen of either of the States of the Union should be excluded from the enjoyment of any privilege to which he may be entitled under the constitution of the United States; and the President of the United States being furnished with a copy of said act, should, by proclamation, declare the State to be admitted. This resolution was passed in the House by a close vote-86 to 82-several members from non-slaveholding States voting for it. In the ready to vote the admission of the State in any Senate it was passed by two to one-28 to 14; form which would answer the purpose, and save and the required declaration having been soon themselves from going so far as to lose their made by the General Assembly of Missouri, and own States, and give the ascendant to their pocommunicated to the President, his proclamation litical adversaries. In the Senate, Messrs. Lowwas issued accordingly, and the State admitted. rie and Roberts, from Pennsylvania; Messrs. And thus ended the "Missouri controversy," or Morril and Parrott, from New-Hampshire; that form of the slavery question which under- Messrs. Chandler and Holmes, from Maine; took to restrict a State from the privilege of Mr. William Hunter, from Rhode Island; and having slaves if she chose. The question itself, Mr. Southard, from New-Jersey, were of that under other forms, has survived, and still sur- class; and I cannot refrain from classing with vives, but not under the formidable aspect which them Messrs. Horsey and Vandyke, from Delait wore during that controversy, when it divided ware, which, though counted as a slave State, yet Congress geographically, and upon the slave line. from its isolated and salient position, and small The real struggle was political, and for the number of slaves, seems more justly to belong balance of power, as frankly declared by Mr. to the other side. In the House the vote of Rufus King, who disdained dissimulation; and nearly two to one in favor of Mr. Clay's resoluin that struggle the non-slaveholding States, tion for a joint committee, and his being allowed though defeated in the State of Missouri, were to make out his own list of the House commitsuccessful in producing the "compromise," con- tee (for it was well known that he drew up the ceived and passed as a Southern measure. The list of names himself, and distributed it through resistance made to the admission of the State on the House to be voted), sufficiently attest the account of the clause in relation to free people temper of that body, and showed the determinaof color, was only a mask to the real cause of tion of the great majority to have the question opposition, and has since shown to be so by the settled. Mr. Clay has been often complimented facility with which many States, then voting in as the author of the "compromise" of 1820, in a body against the admission of Missouri on that spite of his repeated declaration to the contrary, account, now exclude the whole class of the free that measure coming from the Senate; but he is colored emigrant population from their borders, the undisputed author of the final settlement of and without question, by statute, or by consti- the Missouri controversy in the actual admission tutional amendment. For a while this formida- of the State. He had many valuable coadjutors ble Missouri question threatened the total over- from the North-Baldwin, of Pennsylvania; throw of all political parties upon principle, and Storrs and Meigs, of New-York; Shaw, of Masthe substitution of geographical parties discrimi-sachusetts: and he had also some opponents nated by the slave line, and of course destroying from the South-members refusing to vote for the just and proper action of the federal govern- the "conditional" admission of the State, holdment, and leading eventually to a separation of ing her to be entitled to absolute admissionthe States. It was a federal movement, accru- among them Mr. Randolph. I have been minute ing to the benefit of that party, and at first was in stating this controversy, and its settlement, overwhelming, sweeping all the Northern de- deeming it advantageous to the public interest mocracy into its current, and giving the supre- that history and posterity should see it in the macy to their adversaries. When this effect proper point of view; and that it was a political was perceived the Northern democracy became movement for the balance of power, balked by alarmed, and only wanted a turn or abatement the Northern democracy, who saw their own in the popular feeling at home, to take the first overthrow, and the eventual separation of the opportunity to get rid of the question by ad- States, in the establishment of geographical parmitting the State, and re-establishing party lines ties divided by a slavery and anti-slavery line. upon the basis of political principle. This was the decided feeling when I arrived at Washington, and many of the old Northern democracy took early opportunities to declare themselves to me to that effect, and showed that they were CHAPTER III. FINANCES.-REDUCTION OF THE ARMY. provided and left in the treasury to meet contingencies—a sum which, though small in itself, was absolutely unnecessary for that purpose, and the necessity for which was founded in the mistaken idea that the government expends every year, within the year, the amount of its income. This is entirely fallacious, and never did THE distress of the country became that of the and never can take place; for a large portion of government. Small as the government expen- the government payments accruing within the latditure then was, only about twenty-one millions ter quarters of any year are not paid until the next of dollars (including eleven millions for perma- year. And so on in every quarter of every year. nent or incidental objects), it was still too great The sums becoming payable in each quarter for the revenues of the government at this disas-being in many instances, and from the nature of trous period. Reductions of expense, and loans, the service, only paid in the next quarter, while became the resort, and economy-that virtuous new revenue is coming in. This process regupolicy in all times-became the obligatory and larly going on always leaves a balance in the the forced policy of this time. The small regu- treasury at the end of the year, not called for lar army was the first, and the largest object on until the beginning of the next year, and when which the reduction fell. Small as it was, it there is a receipt of money to meet the demand, was reduced nearly one-half-from 10,000 to even if there had been no balance in hand. 6,000 men. The navy felt it next-the annual Thus, at the end of the year 1820, one of the appropriation of one million for its increase greatest depression, and when demands pressed being reduced to half a million. The construc-most rapidly upon the treasury, there was a tion and armament of fortifications underwent balance of above two millions of dollars in the the like process. Reductions of expense took treasury-to be precise, $2,076,607 14, being place at many other points, and even the aboli- one-tenth of the annual revenue. In prosperous tion of a clerkship of $800 in the office of the years the balance is still larger, sometimes Attorney General, was not deemed an object amounting to the fourth, or the fifth of the anbelow the economical attention of Congress. pual revenue; as may be seen in the successive After all a loan became indispensable, and the annual reports of the finances. There is, therePresident was authorized to borrow five millions fore, no necessity to provide for keeping any of dollars. The sum of twenty-one millions balance as a reserve in the treasury, though in then to be raised for the service of the govern- later times this provision has been carried up to ment, small as it now appears, was more than six millions-a mistake which economy, the double the amount required for the actual ex-science of administration, and the purity of the penses of the government-for the actual ex- government, requires to be corrected. pense of its administration, or the working its machinery. More than half went to permanent or incidental objects, to wit: principal and interest of the public debt, five and a half millions; gradual increase of the navy, one million; pensions, one and a half millions; fortifications, $800,000; arms, munitions, ordnance, and other small items, about two millions; making in the whole about eleven millions, and leaving for the expense of keeping the machinery of government in operation, about ten millions of dollars; and which was reduced to less than nine millions after the reductions of this year were effected. A sum of one million of dollars, over and above the estimated expenditure of the government, was always deemed necessary to be CHAPTER IV. RELIEF OF PUBLIC LAND DEBTORS. DISTRESS was the cry of the day; relief the general demand. State legislatures were occupied in devising measures of local relief; Congress in granting it to national debtors. Among these was the great and prominent class of the public land purchasers. The credit system then prevailed, and the debt to the government had accumulated to twenty-three millions of dollars the amount of their payments already made; —a large sum in itself, but enormous when con- and thus saved in all cases their homes and sidered in reference to the payors, only a small fields, and as much more of their purchases as proportion of the population, and they chiefly they were able to pay for at the reduced rate. the inhabitants of the new States and territories, It was an equitable arrangement of a difficult whose resources were few. Their situation was subject, and lacked but two features to make it deplorable. A heavy debt to pay, and lands perfect; first, a pre-emptive right to all first already partly paid for to be forfeited if full settlers; and, secondly, a periodical reduction of payment was not made. The system was this: price according to the length of time the land the land was sold at a minimum price of two should have been in market, so as to allow of dollars per acre, one payment in hand and the different prices for different qualities, and to remainder in four annual instalments, with for- accomplish in a reasonable time the sale of the feiture of all that had been paid if each succes- whole. Applications were made at that time sive instalment was not delivered to the day. for the establishment of the pre-emptive system; In the eagerness to procure fresh lands, and but without effect, and, apparently without the stimulated by the delusive prosperity which prospect of eventual success. Not even a report multitudes of banks created after the war, there of a committee could be got in its favor-nothing was no limit to purchasers except in the ability more than temporary provisions, as special fato make the first payment. That being accom- vors, in particular circumstances. But perseveplished, it was left to the future to provide for rance was successful. The new States continued the remainder. The banks failed; money van- to press the question, and finally prevailed; and ished; instalments were becoming due which now the pre-emptive principle has become a could not be met; and the opening of Congress fixed part of our land system, permanently inin November, 1820, was saluted by the arrival corporated with it, and to the equal advantage of memorials from all the new States, showing of the settler and the government. The settler the distress, and praying relief to the purchasers gets a choice home in a new country, due to his of the public lands. The President, in his an- enterprise, courage, hardships and privations in nual message to Congress, deemed it his duty to subduing the wilderness: the government gets a bring the subject before that body, and in doing body of cultivators whose labor gives value to so recommended indulgence in consideration of the surrounding public lands, and whose courage the unfavorable change which had occurred and patriotism volunteers for the public defence since the sales. Both Houses of Congress took whenever it is necessary. The second, or graduup the subject, and a measure of relief was ation principle, though much pressed; has not devised by the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. yet been established, but its justice and policy Crawford, which was equally desirable both to are self-evident, and the exertions to procure it the purchaser and the government. The prin- should not be intermitted until successful. The ciple of the relief was to change all future sales passage of this land relief bill was attended by from the credit to the cash system, and to reduce incidents which showed the delicacy of members the minimum price of the lands to one dollar, at that time, in voting on questions in which twenty-five cents per acre, and to give all pre- they might be interested. Many members of sent debtors the benefit of that system, by al- Congress were among the public land debtors, lowing them to consolidate payments already and entitled to the relief to be granted. One made on different tracts on any particular one, of their number, Senator William Smith, from relinquishing the rest; and allowing a discount South Carolina, brought the point before the for ready pay on all that had been entered, Senate on a motion to be excused from voting equal to the difference between the former and on account of his interest. The motion to excuse present minimum price. This released the pur- was rejected, on the ground that his interest was chasers from debt, and the government from the general, in common with the country, and not inconvenient relation of creditor to its own citi-particular, in relation to himself: and that his zens. A debt of twenty-three millions of dol- constituents were entitled to the benefit of his lars was quietly got rid of, and purchasers were enabled to save lands, at the reduced price, to vote. |