principle had been vindicated, and Princeton was immeasurably the richer for its sacrifice.

Never had a great contest a more ironical climax. Before the mingled clamour of approval and criticism had died away an aged Princeton alumnus, Isaac Wyman, died, leaving in his will over three million dollars, bequeathed to the Graduate College at Princeton, Dean West and another being nominated as trustees of the bequest. The Dean and his plans had triumphed. The endowment from the grave was conclusive. Simultaneously the Proctor offer was renewed-with its conditions. The trustees, always hesitant, withdrew all opposition. In June 1910 the gift was accepted. Dr. Wilson recognized defeat. The academic year ended a week later, and three months' vacation gave him time to consider his future action. External influences contributed to

precipitate a decision. On September 15th the

Democratic State Convention nominated Dr. Woodrow Wilson as Governor of New Jersey. The same month he resigned the Presidency of Princeton. He laid down his office under the shadow of defeat, but he left behind him a record of salutary and permanent reform such as no one of his predecessors had ever established.

CHAPTER III

GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY

You have given the people of this country so many persons to select for office that they have not time to select them, and have to leave it to professionals-that is to say, the professional politicians, which, reduced to its simplest term, is the boss of the district. When you vote the Republican or Democratic ticket, you either vote for the names selected by one machine or the names selected by the other machine. . . . The remedy is contained in one word, simplification. Simplify your processes, and you will begin to control; complicate them, and you will get farther and farther away from their control. Simplification! Simplification! Simplification! is the task that awaits us: to reduce the number of persons voted for to the absolute workable minimum-knowing whom you have selected, knowing whom you have trusted, and having so few persons to watch that you can watch them. That is the way we are going to get popular control back in this country, and that is the only way we are going to get popular control back.

Address to the Civic League of St. Louis, March 1909.

THE position of State Governor in the United States has no true analogy in English political life. The forty-eight States differ from a County in England, a Department in France, and a Government in Russia, in that their powers are original, not devolved. The thirteen colonies that banded together in 1775 to fight the War of Independence became in 1783, when the victory had been won, thirteen sovereign States, and when in 1787 the Constitution of the United States

was formulated, it conferred on the Federal Government only such powers as the individual States had chosen voluntarily to surrender. These original thirteen States determined by their precedent the position of the thirty-five subsequently admitted into the Union, the governing factor in their relation to the Federal Government being the principle that any powers not expressly conferred on the latter by the Constitution remain in the hands of the State.

The States themselves differ in the details of their institutions, but under the Constitution all must maintain a Republican form of government, which is invariably represented by a Governor and two Houses of Legislature, a Senate and an Assembly. In its main features, therefore, the State Government is a replica in little of the Federal, the Governor corresponding to the President, and the two branches of the legislature to the Senate and House of Representatives at Washington. The Governor, unlike the bearer of that title in a British colony, is not appointed by the central Government, but elected by the voters of the State, Washington having no concern with or control over him unless he should come into collision with the Constitution or a Federal law.

While each State has its own Constitution, the position of the Governor is substantially the same in all. He holds office in some cases for two years, in some for three or four. His salary varies from as low as 2,500 dollars (Vermont) to as high as 12,000 (Illinois). In New Jersey the