were disposed to deny the right of the Executive to fill vacancies in office which were created by himself during the recess of the Senate; and knowing, that party motives prevailed over economical ones in the recall of Mr. Barbour and almost all of our foreign ministers in 1829, he should have deemed it possible, that if large sacrifices could be thus made to party, a small one might be made to patriotism. He might also have supposed that the moral effect at home and abroad to be produced by the rejection would far out weigh any small pecuniary saving, or even any advantage which might be derivable from his negotiation.

295. The nomination of Mr. Van Buren was rejected in Senate, upon the ground, distinctly put, that he, the Secretary of State, for the United States of America, had shown a manifest disposition to establish a distinction between his country and his party; to place that party above the country; to make interest, at a foreign court, for that party, rather than for the country; to persuade the English ministry, and the English monarch, that, they had an interest in maintaining in the United States the ascendency of the party to which he belonged. Other political sins of the ex-secretary were reviewed at this period, and none were more severely reproved, than the quarrel he had caused between the President and Vice President, the dispersion of the first Cabinet, and the introduction of the odious system of proscription for the exercise of elective franchise into the Government of the United States-a system drawn from the worst period of the Roman Republic, making the offices, honours and dignities of the people, prizes to be won, booty to be gained, at every presidential election; producing contests, that would be intolerable, and which must result in inexorable despotism.

296. We know, that General Jackson has assumed the responsibility of the highly objectionable portions of the instructions and averred that, they were dictated by him to Mr. Van Buren. To have done less would have stultified himself and confirmed the opinion of some of his friends who defend the President on the ground that he had not read the instructions. The President may have dictated them, but it was, as the oracle gives responses, uttering the words that have been supplied to it. But as Mr. Van Buren has a freedom of will, for the use of which he is morally responsible, he cannot escape, by casting his sins upon the President, and his friends betray his cause when they cowardly place him behind this flimsy shield.

CHAPTER XII.

VIEWS OF THE PROTECTIVE SYSTEM.

297. We have had occasion to consider, and, we trust, have established, the constitutionality of the tariff system for the protection of domestic industry. In combatting this system, the southern section of the Atlantic States, abandoning the opinion that it is hostile to the letter of the Constitution, zealously maintained, that it conflicted with its spirit, violating it, by perverting the letter to objects for which it was not designed, and inflicted upon them the most grievous evils.

298. Whilst the high revenue was requisite to the speedy extinction of the public debt, these evils, fancied or real, were submitted to; impatiently, to be sure, but yet submitted to. But when, by a near extinguishment of the debt, revision of the revenue laws became necessary, the opponents to the protecting system assumed new vigour, and resorted to measures of the most dangerous tendency.

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299. All parties were aware, that, with the extinction of the debt, the revenue must be diminished. The people would not bear the extraction, from their pockets, of some ten or twelve millions of dollars, annually, beyond the wants of the Government; and, therefore, pot the reduction, but the manner of reduction, became the subject of animated contest. The friends of the American System sought this object by the abolition of the duties on imports, which did not rival the manufactures of the United States, whilst they proposed to retain a revenue competent to a liberal prosecution of public improvements: Its enemies claimed, that, the reduction of duty should, eventually and speedily, fall alike upon allimports; that the revenue should be closely graduated to the indispensable wants of the Government; and that the system of Internal Improvement, long and ardently cherished by the United States, should be wholly abandoned.

300. So deeply interesting had this subject become, that conventions of the friends of the several parties had been holden long before the assembling of the Congress at which the subject would be discussed, to consult on the means of best promoting their respective causes, and of proclaiming their views to the nation. The friends of free trade, from 167

every portion of the Union, assembled at Philadelphia, and those of the tariff protection, at New York. The shape in which the question came before Congress, in 1831-2, was, distinctly, whether the Protective System should be, permanently, established in the country. Measures promotive of the views of its friends were initiated in both Houses; and, finally, a bill, reported by the Committee of Manufactures of the House of Representatives, based on one submitted by the Secretary of the Treasury, whose views upon this subject differed from those of the President, became a law; making many alterations in the pre-existing tariff, but preserving, distinctly and efficiently, the protecting discrimination.

301. Before we speak of the consequences which flowed from this act, it will be proper, as necessary to the understanding of the subject, that we give a sketch of the views of the several parties. This will have the interest arising from principles of political economy which deeply affect the prosperity of the country.

302. The friends of a protective tariff aver, and truly, that, the manufacturing system had been established in the country, had been forced on the northern and middle States, by the restrictions upon commerce, proposed and sustained by the politicians of the South; and that such States struggled long before they were convinced that such system was their true interest:

303. That, availing herself of new discoveries in -mechanics, and the peculiar advantages of her position, Great Britain, commanding the markets of the world, and adopting a system of commercial policy not only selfish and monopolizing, but, avowedly, permanently, unrelentingly, and premeditatedly, hostile to the commerce, navigation and manufactures of other nations, her rivals and competitors, had succeeded to render them tributary to her industry, and in no small degree dependent upon her power. Of this hostility and dependence, the people of the United States had shared more than the inhabitants of any other portion of the globe:

304. That, measures of protection, against such hostility, became indispensable, and were adopted by the American people, so soon as they were in condition to enforce them; and the first effort, that, in favour of the manufacture of ships, was most successful: That the policy of Great Britain, grasping at all the trade of the world, compelled us, in self-defence, to turn our attention to such manufactures as were most in-. dispensable to the comforts of life, until, at length, driving

us into war, taught us, that domestic manufactures of-all such articles, were among the primary elements of national independence:

305. That, thus impelled, at once, by foreign hostility, and the policy adopted by the South, to resist it, the capital and industry of the northern and middle States were forcibly turned into the channel of domestic manufactures. For the establishment of these, extensive capitals, costly buildings, expensive and complicated machinery, burdensome purchases of land, and of water courses, were indispensable. All of which, in most cases, could be attained, only, through the medium of joint-stock companies,-few individuals having sufficient wealth, being disposed, so, to employ it:

306. That, such establishments were protected by the war of 1812; by the war duties; and by the tariff of April, 1816. But the system of connecting the protection of domestic industry with the revenue on imports, has been developed since the war, and is no other than the development of the faculties of the nation in the progress of its own improvement. This system, fully and deliberately revised at three several periods, in 1820, 1824 and 1828, has acquired strength in the opinions of the people. But it has been opposed by that geograpical section of the Union, which would derive from it the least advantage, and the opposition has increased with every stage of revision, upon the ground, that the system is unconstitutional and unequal.

307. If, indeed, the system be unequal,-if it favour one portion of our common country and oppress another, it should be abandoned, or so modified, as to remove the inequality. But, to abandon it altogether, it would seem necessary to renounce the raising of revenue by impost. For, if it be true, that the duties of impost, are paid, not by the consumer of the article, but, by the producer of the article exported to pay for it, the result is the same, whether the impost be for revenue or protection; and it is the wiser policy to raise the revenue requisite for the country by direct taxation.

308. But, the allegation of oppression is unfounded. The citizens of the United States are, of all people, the least burdened by taxes. The sum levied by the Federal Government is much less than two dollars per annum upon each individual person, whilst, in England, the tax is full fifteen dollars the head, to the Government. There is, therefore, but little cause for complaint of onerous taxation in the United States. Never was the country in so prosperous a condition, as during

the seven years immediately succeeding the tariff of 1824. The people were out of debt; land rising gradually but permanently in value; a ready and steady market for the surplus products of our industry; the face of the country covered with innumerable flocks and herds; our cities expanded; whole villages springing up, as if by enchantment; our exports increased and increasing; our tonnage, foreign and coastwise, swelling and fully employed; our interior rivers navigated by countless steamboats; the currency sound and abundant; the public debt of two wars redeemed; and an overflowing treasury, embarrassing Congress to discover means to reduce it. All which is to be ascribed, chiefly, to American legislation fostering American industry.

309. And well may this be; for there is scarce an interest, which the American System does not reach and protect. It comprehends, our coasting tonnage and trade; from which it excludes foreigners; our foreign tonnage, some few cases excepted by treaty; our fisheries; our mechanics and manufacturers, whose products amount to hundreds of millions; our sugar and cotton plantations; and our incalculable agricultural products.

310. It was further contended, That, the free trade desired by the South is visionary, impossible. If all restrictions were expunged from our statute book, we should find the ports of foreign nations, then, as now, only, qualifiedly, open to us, whilst foreign ships would in our own harbours destroy the trade of our own vessels: The "Free Trade," contended for, by Great Britain, was acknowledged in Parliament to be no more than an attempt "to get a monopoly of all foreign markets for British manufactures," and was, indignantly, rejected by the manufacturing nations of Europe: In relation to ourselves, its obvious tendency was, to reduce us to colonial vassalage, in which we should not have power to make even a hobnail:

311. That, the addition, to the duties upon imports which rival domestic manufactures, does not, necessarily, as is alleged, increase the price. On the contrary, by the excitement of competition, at home and abroad, it cheapens the goods in the market. If such competition were not kept up, the British would command the market, and impose extravagant prices. In many cases competition has reduced the manufactured article below, or so near the price at which it is made abroad, that the duty, not only, ceases to be a bounty to the home manufacturer, but becomes prohibitory to the foreign article. In such case, the duty serves to protect the do