ought to be protected, but left free from reftraint to regulate itself. In his own proper dialect it would ftand to this effect. Al I purpos to fugeft in this litle efay is, that les il wil folow from fufering comerce to purfu its fre cours, than from abriging its fredom, and puting varios and endles restraints to diftres and criple the endevors of the induftrios. I ofer the difcufion of these maters to lefen the comon prejudices and pafions of mankind, and pofes them with a truth I am folicitous they shou'd atend to, which is, that it is uterly impofible for trafic to florish bapily upon narow principles.

The ftyle of the above imitation is indeed fubfervient to the purpofe of introducing as large a fpecimen of the Author's mode of fpelling, as could be exhibited in a fmall compafs; and he will not tax us with injuftice. After all, it is mortifying to obferve the inconfistency and frailty of human nature! Here is for inftance an honeft well difpofed gentleman, (as we really thought) who argues very properly for preferving a pure ftandard in our coin; but who nevertheless feels no compunétion in filing and clipping our current words in broad day light; and who is openly convicted of adulterating the ftandard of the English tongue. So hard is it to acquire a thorough knowledge of the human heart, and fo little are mankind to be trusted!

The title page of this whimfical tract, declares it to be a fecond edition; but we do not remember to have feen it before, and we fhould certainly have recollected it. From the peculiarities in which the Author indulges himself, we apprehend he is no common writer in any fenfe of the word: the first edition may therefore have confifted only of a few copies, and circulated among his private friends, without being advertised; or might have been foon called in to receive its present improvements. It is not easy to account for a fecond impreffion on the common principles of trade. N Art. 30. The Chains of Slavery. A Work wherein the Clandefine and Villainous Attempts of PRINCES to ruin Liberty, are pointed out, and the dreadful Scenes of DESPOTISM difclofed. To which is prefixed an Addrefs to the Electors of Great Britain, in order to draw their Timely Attention to the Choice of Proper REPRESENTATIVES in the next PARLIAMENT. 4to. 12 s. fewed. Payne. 1774.

There are many important obfervations in this work, refpe&ting the principles and practices of Defpotism, by which nations are brought to flavery and ruin.

This performance is intended as an alarm bell, to roufe and terrify us. The perfon who pulls the rope, tugs it with all his might, and puts himself into a violent heat; like a fiery, ill-broken fteed, who prances, chafes, and frets, without making much progress on the road.

In plain language, the Author, though he poffeffes a confiderable fund of knowlege relative to his fubject, writes with too much intemperance, and too little regard to decency, to effect any great good by a publication, the very title-page of which is enough to prejudice all but the loweft of the vulgar against him: and we may, indeed, refer to it, as a fufficient fpecimen of the writer's manner of treating the lord's anointed, and the rulers of the people.

Art.

Art. 31. The Liberty of the Prefs confidered; addreffed to Lord Quickfand, imploring his Protection. By Magna Charta in Weeds. 8vo. 1s. Bew. 1774

Warm, rhapsodical declamation in behalf of liberty in general, and the liberty of the prefs in particular. We approve the patriot, but we cannot praise the writer, whofe zeal outftrips his judgment, and fometimes even leaves both fenfe and grammar behind: as when he fays If our prefent governors had any latent defigns against the liberty of the prefs, they are in fo much want of money, that there is no danger from them, because they well know the vaft revenu arifing from the fale of the news-papers, magazines, and other fre thoughts, would be much leffened, &c.'

Poffibly the miftake in the above paffage may have proceeded from fome accident of the prefs; and we the rather fufpect that this i the cafe, because we find no other flip, of equal magnitude, in the pamphlet.

Art. 32. The Report of the Lords Committees, appointed by the Houfe of Lords to inquire into the feveral Proceedings in the Colony of Maffachufett's Bay, in oppofition to the Sovereignty of his Majefty, in his Parliament of Great Britain, over that Province; and alfo what hath paffed in this House relative thereto, from the first Day of January, 1764. 8vo. 2s. Bingley. 1774.

Be it known that we difclaim all critical jurisdiction over the hous of Lords collectively; being content with thewing our power when ever we can catch a straggling peer fauntering alone in the fields of literature: where it is as prefumptuous to carry a pen without a qualification, as it might be deemed for a lackland reviewer to carry a gun over any of their terreftrial manors.

Art. 33. The Advantages of an Alliance with the Great Mogl 7 In which are principally confidered three Points of the higheft in portance to the British Nation. 1. The immediate Prefervation, and future Profperity of the Eaft India Company. 2. The legal Acquifition of an immenfe Revenue to Great Britain. 3. The Promoting a vast Increafe in the Exports of British Manufactures. By John Morrifon, Efq; General, and Commander in Chief of the Great Mogul's Forces; Ambaffador Extraordinary, and Plenipotentiary to his Majefty George III. King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, &c. 8vo. I s. 6d. Cadell. 1774.

It is faid that great wit to madness is allied. It may be faid that madness seems, in a variety of cases, very nearly to border upon wit. There is something plausible and dazzling at first sight, in the reve ries of this pompous and opinionated Commander in Chief, and Plenipotentiary; but our men of bufinefs of all parties have in ge neral smiled at, and neglected them. We think the pamphlet, however, amufing; and should have read it with more pleasure, it had been intitled the adventures of John Morrison, Efq; General, &c.

The enterprizing spirit of Mr. Morrison may be very proper in 21 officer; at leaft, one who is to advance himself in the East Indies; but his plan of an alliance is laid down on too large a fcale for his political genius. He views things only in their firft and immediat

effects.

effects. One age would produce confequences, upon his own principles, which would deftroy every end that he propofes. His proposal should have been, that the King of Great Britain, now governing a country become almost bankrupt; and having great trouble from the humours of an obftinate people, fhould fet off with his council, parliament, army, and navy; fettle on the banks of the Ganges; enter into an alliance with Shah Allom; play the devil with all the Soubabs, and Nabobs, and Rajahs; and establish a mighty empire in the East. We think this as practicable as General Morrifon's plan, and much more fublime and clever. W. Art. 34. A Collection of Letters and Essays in favour of Public Liberty, first published in the News-papers, in the Years 1764, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, and 1770. By an amicable Band of Well withers to the Religious and Civil Rights of Mankind. 3 Vols. 12mo. 9 s. bound. Wilkie. 1774.

It is well known there are many excellent effays occasionally to be met with in our numerous morning and evening papers, which merit preservation; the collection of which was the original, and best, idea of monthly magazines. If from this fpecimen, the fashion fhould fucceed, of fugitive writers reprinting their scattered lucubrations, we shall quickly be as well furnished with volumes of temporary controverfy, and mifcellaneous effays, as we have, for fome years past, been with novels: the only difcouragement to fuch publications may be, that they will probably appear more interefting to the writers, than to the public; who may have been fufficiently gratified with their firit appearance on the immediate occafions. Even the merit of the celebrated Junius will not long furvive the memory of mány little tranfient circumstances, fo happily glanced at by a keen wit, the edge of which will be blunted, when the occafions are no longer understood.

The fubjects of thefe letters are various, but chiefly confift of animadverfions on the conduct of the English clergy, the late tendernefs of the church toward papifts, the appointment of a Romish Bishop over Quebec, the fcheme of introducing epifcopal government in the other colonies, the controverfy concerning a reformation of the thirty-nine articles, the character of Abp. Secker, &c. We are told that the far greater part of these letters owed their existence o the accidental meeting of a few gentlemen, at a place of public refort in the fammer, of the year 1764; who though unknown to each other before that time, were not long in mutually disclosing their common attachment to the principles of public liberty. N. Art. 35. An Efay concerning the Establishment of a National Bank in Ireland. 8vo. 1 S. Robinfon. 1774.

This Author appears to understand his fubject; but we think he vrites rather unfeelingly, when speaking of the national funds, he ays, Were the public debts annihilated, it may be alledged that eventeen thousand stock-holders would want fubfiflance; but more han feventeen thousand other fubjects would then gain a livelihood; or I fuppofe the fame taxes ftill to be raised and fpent in the ation.'

The pamphlet is wholly political, and of fuch a nature as not afily to admit of extracts or abridgement; we fhall therefore only

lay

lay before our readers the Author's concluding paffage: The eftablishment (of a national bank in Ireland) comprehends three great objects, the furnishing money to borrowers on more reasonable terms, the raifing the grand pledge of land in Ireland one fourth or one third more, and the affuring to the whole community the never failing value of the fmall diminutive pledges that are daily paffing from hand to hand, all of which would contribute greatly to advance the opu lence, and confequently the power of the ftate. As the fubject I have treated of is extremely intricate, I hope for indulgence, in cafe Home part of my reasoning fhould not have that convincing evidence which I have ftudiously endeavoured to throw on all of it. Every thing tending to illuftrate the nature of the circulation of the blood is yet far from being analized; nevertheless all the world are now convinced, that life depends on that circulation; and that it is much better for the body to have the veins filled with, blood than with water.' The last fentence may poffibly refer to the excess of paper money on private credit. But however hurtful or fraudulent that may have proved; nothing can be more unjuft or vile than that deftruction of the public funds, to which numbers have entrusted their whole fortunes, concerning which this Writer appears to speak fo coolly in the paragraph above quoted. Hi. Art. 36. Additional Preface to a Pamphlet, entitled, an Appeal to the Public, on the Subject of the National Debt; containing Obfervations on the Prefent State of the Kingdom, with respect to its Trade, Debts, Taxes, and Paper Credit. Svo. 6 d. Cadell. 1774. We shall refer our readers for a particular account of Dr. Price's appeal to the 46th Volume of our Review, p. 402 and fhall content ourselves with one extract from this preface to the 3d edition.

Ever fince the revolution, (fays the Author) Paper-credit and taxes have been increafing together.-When moderate, thefe promote trade by quickening induftry, fupplying a medium of trafic, and producing improvements. But when exceffive, they ruin trade, by rendering the means of fubfiftence too dear, distressing the poor, and railing the price of labour and manufactures. They are now among us in this ftate of excefs: and, in conjunction with fome other caufes, have brought us into a fituation which is, I think, unparalleled in the history of mankind.-Hanging on paper, and yet weighed down by heavy burdens. Trade neceflary to enable us to fupport an enor mous debt; and yet that debt, together with an excess of papermoney, working continually towards the deftruction of trade.-Public fpirit, independence and virtue undermined by luxury; and yet luxury neceffary to our exiftence.-Other kingdoms have enacted fumptuary laws for fuppreffing luxury.-Were we to do this with any confiderable effect, the confequence might prove fatal.-In short, were our people to avoid deftroying themfelves by intemperance, or only to leave off the ufe of one or two foreign weeds, the revence would become deficient, and a public bankruptcy might enfue.-On fuch ground it is impoffible that any kingdom fhould ftand long.A dreadful convulfion cannot be very diftant. The next war will fcarcely leave a chance for escaping it. But we are threatened with it fooner. An open rupture with our colonies might bring it on immediately.'

R--s.

MISCEL

MISCELLANEO U S.

Art. 37. A Critical Enquiry into the Legality of Proceedings confequent of the late Gold Act: Reflections on the faid A&; Explanations refpecting Debafement: And cafual Remarks on the Nature, par Value, and Apportionment of our Gold and Silver Coinage. 8vo. 15. Owen. 1774.

1

This enquiry, as far as it immediately concerns the late gold act, is founded on the following preliminary obfervations; viz. that a pound weight troy is 5760 grains, from which deducting 22 grains, there will remain 5737 grains, which produce 44 guineas, or 461. 14s. 6d; the one twelfth of which fum is 31. 17s. 1cd.; but this is not the twelfth part 5760 grains, or a full pound weight troy. And hence it is inferred, that 3 1. 17 s. 10 d. is not the true value of an ounce of coined gold, though it is the ftandard value of an ounce of bullion; and that thofe who fell light money ought to receive gold of equal weight: whereas the light money that is fold at the bank is only paid for in current guineas, fo that the feller has not an ounce for an ounce, but is defrauded' of the difference; and if he is paid in full weight guineas, he lofes the legal allowance of remedy or counterpoife, or one of them, as it may happen. Our Author likewife objects to the arbitrary determination' of the weight of current guineas; for he apprehends, that the diminution, which is at fix grains to-day, may be at four to-morrow, and fo on to the total annihilation of all he is worth. This, he harshly denominates agrofs impofition on the public, firft bearing down the market by forcing on it a flood of light guineas, then making it neceffary to fell fuch guineas at the low market price, under intrinfic value.' In the profecution of his enquiry he obferves, that, if the government coin ten thousand pound weight of gold, and from, each pound weight, deduct 22 grains, there is taken from the whole 38 lb. 7 oz. 10 dwt. 20 gr. amounting to 1691 guincas, or 1775 1. 11 s. the which fum in every 10,000 pound weight coined, is fo much proportionally loft to each individual, who fells or pays light gold at 31. 17 s. 10d. the ounce; besides what they may lofe in future, by taking of current guineas not wanting quite fix grains, when ever the board of treasury fhall pleafe to dictate an allowance of a lefs number of grains in the guinea; a matter, for certain plain reafons, not far diftant. And as the 22 grains is paid for and allowed by the public out of 15,0cc 1. raifed on them by appropriate duties, it is evident, beyond contradiction, that tax is paid twice over; but into whofe hands the benefit comes of the above difference, it is prefumed the parliament will call in queftion :'- hence a queftion refults, what becomes of the 22 grains counterpoife, deducted from each pound of coined gold? i can readily anfwer the queftion, in refpect to the bank, the refiners, and other pedling purchafers of light guineas; but to whofe account the 224 grains is placed,' ly thofe who take light guineas in the receipt of taxes, at 3 l. 17 s. 10 d. the ounce, is not apparent: becaufe, if that is not accounted for, the public pay the charge twice over, in the 15,cool. and in

*

• The 7 oz. 10 dwt. 20 gr. is not included in this calculation : 291. 8 s. 5 d. is to be added.

the