have presented to those numbers who would readily have joined them had they been sure of a comfortable subsistence.

Unaided by the resources of Great Britain, it was now too evident that little could be expected from the spontaneous efforts of the insurgents, and, had the communication between them and the English fleet been preserved, their successes would have been more brilliant than lasting or important. Unity of purpose and devotion to a single chieftain, the indispensible requisites of success, were now no more.

The auspicious moment had been suffered to elapse in empty promises and fruitless preparations, when a d'Elbee, a Stoflet, a Bonchamp, and a Charette, united for the first time under a prince of the blood. Supported by a body of the British soldiery, under the beloved and gallant lord Moira, they might have imitated the followers of Henry IV. and even at that time encircled the head of the present monarch of France, then the count de Provence, with the crown of his illustrious progenitor

THE internal proceedings of the French republic were at this time more determined and energetic than the operations of the armies. In the month of May, M. Fouquiere Tenville, the president of the late revolutionary tribunal, with three of the judges, the public accuser, and eleven of the jurors of that dreadful engine of human butchery, were found guilty of the most gross injustice and cruelty during the exercise of their functious, and were executed in the place de Greve. These individuals were followed to the grave by the most obnoxious of the terrorists. The moderate party could not regard their own or the public peace as founded on a durable basis, while the associates of Robespierre retained their influence in the government. Conscious of their present strength, and that the sense of the nation was in their favour, they resolved to take advantage of the general sentiment to free themselves from their adversaries who were endeavouring to justify their sanguinary measures by representing the moderate principles of their opponents as arising from a counter-revolutionary design. Such temperate and rational measures were adopted as might conciliate the good opinion and esteem of the nation, and the deputists

of

whom the terrorists had driven from the convention, were recalled to reinforce their party. Barrere, Billaud Varennes, Collot D'Herbois, and Vaudier, were denounced; a decree for their examination before a commission, appointed for that purpose, was passed, and it was declared that they had been accessary to the tyranny exercised over the people and the convention. The nation still remained n anxious suspense respecting the fate of these demagogues, when the Jacobin leaders, reflecting on the popularity which they had once enjoyed in the city, determined to make one effort in their support, which, if successful, might lead to the re-establishment of their own influence. Availing themselves of the extreme dearth of bread, they contrived to exasperate the populace against the administration, by persuading them that the public misery originated in the measures of the convention; and, artfully blending the cause of the imprisoned terrorists with the national welfare, they endeavoured to persuade the people that their interests would be more attentively regarded were these individuals restored to power.

Availing themselves of the lenity pro fessed by government, the Jacobins as

sembled in various places, and endeavoured, by artful discourses, to exasperate the populace to insurrection. Whether this complaint of scarcity was real or affected, through their machinations, an immense croud assembled on the 1st of April, and proceeded to the hall of the convention, demanding bread, and the constitution of 1793. The Jacobin members of the convention explicitly abetted their demands. Emboldened by this support, the spokesman of the insurgents told the convention that those in whose name he addressed them, were the men of the 14th of July, the 10th of August, and the 31st of May; that they would not suffer the accused members to be sacrificed to their enemies, and expected the convention would change its measures. When the populace broke into the hall, the convention was employed in a discussion on the measures best calculated to remedy the scarcity of wnich the nation complained, but this sudden interruption compelled them to take immediate means of preservation from the fury of the mob. They directed the alarm bells to be rung, and the citizens to be called to the aid of the convention. They readily obeyed the summons, and assembled to the number of 20,000. Delivered from their perilous situation by the firmness of Pichegru at the head of the Parisian military, combined with the courage and patriotism of the citizens, the convention passed a decree for the punishment of the authors of the riot. As it had been evidently excited to prevent the trial of the denounced members, it was moved that they should be sentenced to immediate punishment. In order to mitigate the rigor of a condemnation that might appear precipitate, their lives were spared, but they were banished to Guiana, and ordered to be transported thither without delay. In this manner terminated the career of Barrere, Collot D'Herbois, and Billaud Varennes, after having made so conspicuous a figure during the two first years of the republic. Vaudier, their associate, had found means to make his escape

The tumult being suppressed, the convention proceeded to such measures as they

deemed essential to the public welfare. Among these the most important was the appointment of a committee of eleven, to frame a new constitution and system of government, which might remedy the evils of that established under the Jacobin administration in 1793, and might correct the abuses of which it was productive.

Had the Jacobins been less confident in their own strength, the severity of the proceedings against them, might have had the intended effect of deterring them from further attempts against the public peace; but, conscious as they were of their influence over the lower orders of the community, and sensible of the danger which they should incur from the triumph of the moderatists, they produced a contrary effect. Actuated by motives of revenge and of self-preservation, they determined to have recourse once more to that engine which they had so often employed with success. Incendiary papers were dispersed, calling upon the starving people to avenge their own wrongs, and to repair to the convention, there to demand bread, and the consititution of 1793, the dissolution of the convention, the arrest of all its members, and the immediate convocation of the primary assemblies for the election of another.

But the

In compliance with these exhortations, the multitude a second time assembled tumultuously round the door of the convention. And when they learned that, instead of compliance with their wishes, a decree had been passed to outlaw the leaders of the insurrection, they burst into the hall of the assembly. Ferrand, one of the members, fell a victim to their fury, and the Jacobins in the convention, were, for a short time, victorious. multitude having dispersed, on learning that general Hoche was approaching with an armed force, they were at last obliged to give way, and the moderatists, on the same day, resuming their seats, proceeded to cancel the acts which the Jacobins had passed. On the ensuing day, the populace being provided with some pieces of artillery, took the convention by surprise, and, directing their cannon against the hall

of the assembly in the Thuilleries, they obliged them to consent to the renewal of the constitution of 1793, and to several other stipulations in favor of the degraded terrorists. The triumph of the anarchists, however, was of short continuance. Their confidence was not less remarkable than the negligence of the convention had been culpable. As the officers of justice were conducting the assassins of Ferrand to the place of execution, they were attacked by the multitude, who rescued their pri

soners.

It now became evident that the public peace could not be restored till more effectual means should be adopted for subduing the Jacobin demagogues and their tumultuous adherents. The peaceful citizens rallied round the standard of the convention; and the convention, finding that they were supported by all the friends to the public welfare, adopted the most vigorous measures of resistance to popular anarchy. General Menon, the commandant of Paris, appearing at the entrance of the rebellious fauxbourg, St. Antoine, at the head of a body of troops, with several pieces of artillery, issued a proclamation denouncing vengeance to the insurgents if they did not immediately lay down their arms and deliver the assassins of Ferrand into his hands. Audacity giving way to force, his commands were obeyed, and an unconditional capitulation put an end to the reign of terror in the metropolis. Six members of the convention and fifteen others, distinguished for their atrocious violations of the public peace, were attended to the guillotine with the acclamations of a fickle populace.

Amidst these scenes of disorder, the Bourbon dynasty in France, which had been for ages so illustrious, but was now celebrated only for its misfortunes, was terminated by the death of the dauphin Lewis Charles, the only surving son of Lewis XVI. in his 12th year. This unfortunate prince, who had, from his infancy, been doomed to imprisonment without the possibility of a crime, appears to have fallen a victim to confinement. But those who wished to vilify the present adminis

tration, alarmed the friends of humanity, and endeavoured to excite the feelings of the populace by unproved, and probably unfounded, insinuations of poison. As soon as these aspersions had subsided, the convention liberated Sophia, the sister of the dauphin, who, by the Salique law, could not succeed to the inheritance of the throne, and sent her to Vienna in exchange for those persons whom Duinouriez had delivered into the hands of the Austrians.

*

The unsettled state of France, the disturbances by which Paris had been lately convulsed, and the factions and divisions which were apparent even in the bosom of the convention, seemed imperiously to demand a regular system of government, of which the executive power might be so efficient as to triumph over all opposition, and stifle insurrection in the bud. The convention was incessantly employed in the formation of a new constitution; and, after two months discussion, investigation, and amendment, they declared, on the 23rd of August, that the object of their labours was completed, and transmitted it to the primary assemblies for their acceptance and confirmation.

This constitution consisted of fourteen chapters, with an exordium or introduction respecting the rights of man, differing in no material point from that which was prefixed to the first constitution. The first chapter contained an account of the territorial possessions of the republic, and its division into departments, cantons, and communes. The second chapter defined the political state of citizens, and declared every man born, and residing in France, whose name had been inscribed in the civic register, or who had lived one year in the territory of the republic and paid a direct contribution, to be a French citizen. The third chapter contained a definition of the power of the primary assemblies, who were to nominate members of the elective assemblies. The power of the elective assemblies was defined by the fourth chapter, by which they were empowered to elect the members of the legislative body of the tribunal of annulment,

the high jurors, the administrators of the department, the president, public accuser, and registrar, of the criminal tribunals, and the judges of the civil tribunals. The fifth article made the legislative body cousist of a council of antients, and a council of five hundred, who were both to reside in the saine commune. The council of antients consisted of 250 members, of whoin one-third were to be annually renewed, and consequently each member retained his seat for the period of three years. The power of proposing laws belonged exclusively to the council of 500, but the antients might adopt or reject them as they pleased. It was enacted by the sixth chapter, that the executive power should be delegated to a directory of five members chosen by the legislative body, of forty years old at least, and formerly menbers of the legislature, or general agents of the government. One member annually was to retire and be succeeded by another formally elected. The directory was to provide for the internal and external sccurity of the republic, to dispose of the armed force, choose generals, and superintend the execution of laws and the coining of money. The council of 500 was to draw up a list of 50 members by secret scrutiny, from among which the council of antients were to elect five members to compose the directory.

While the 48 sections of Paris appeared cordial and unanimmons in accepting the new constitution, 46 of them vehemently rejected the decree, connected with its promulgation that two-thirds of the members composing the present convention, should be re-elected for the new legislature, and which declared that if the departments would not re-elect two thirds, the convention would become an elective body, and supply the deficiency by its own nomina*ion. No language can do justice to the scene of horror and tumult which prevailed in Paris. The protests against a law by which the electious were rendered compulsory, gave rise to the most animated debates, and the independent spirit of the Parisians was imitated by many of the departments. The primary assemblies

were distracted by vehement and fruitless contention, and the language in which the sentiments of the nation were expressed became at length so violent, and their menaces so decided, that the convention determined to claim the protection of a military force from the different committees of government. On the 3rd of October it was decreed that the primary assemblies of Paris should be commanded to separate, and that the electors should not assemble before the period fixed by the decree. The convention declared itself in a state of permanence. At seven o'clock in the evening Etienne Dupin, secretary of the department of the Sein, appeared with six dragoons and two trumpeters, on the place de Theatre Francois, to proclaim the decree, and while he was reading it a numerous party rushing from the theatre, and increasing the crowd without, were discovered to consist of members of one of the primary assemblies, which had met in the theatre contrary to the decree. The armed force was ordered by the convention to secure them, but did not arrive till the multitude had dispersed.

The convention continued to order troops into the metropolis; and, as an expedient for providing themselves with an immediate reinforcement, they gave the numerous terrorists imprisoned in Paris, their liberty. Incensed by this proof of incon sistency and of a disposition to terrorism, the citizens appeared openly Menon was ordered to advance against them with the troops then in Paris, but that general, incurring their displeasure by entering into a negotiation with the insurgents, was dismissed in disgrace.

in arms.

The deputy Barras, who had been charged with the direction of the armed force, was appointed in his stead, and determined to confide the most arduous and unpopular part of his duty to his protegé, Napoleon Buonaparte. After the siege of Toulon, in which his achievments were so conspicuous as to obtain for him the rauk of general, Buonaparte had been sent to Nice under arrest, by the deputy Beffroi, who had previously displaced him from his command, on charges of being attached