RECIPE FOR DYEING BLUE AND GREEN.

We copy the following method for dyeing blue and green from the " Southern Cultivator," which assures us that there is no imposition in the plan, and that any person following it will find it to prove entirely satisfactory. It is, moreover, a cheap and simple method:

Take one pound of pounded logwood, boil it in a sufficient quantity of water until all the substance is out of it, then take about half a gallon of the liquor and dissolve one ounce of verdigris, and half an ounce of alum in it, boil your yarn in the logwood water one hour, stirring it and keeping it loose. Take out your yarn, mix the half gallon that contains the verdigris and alum, then put your yarn into the mixture, and boil it four hours, stirring and keeping it loose all the time, and taking it out every hour to give it air, after which dry it, then boil it in soap and water, and it is done. The above will dye six pounds of cotton yarn an elegant deep blue: after which put in as much yarn into the same liquor, and boil it three hours, stirring as above, and you will have a good pale blue, or boil hickory bark in your liquor, and you will have a beautiful green.

MERCANTILE MISCELLANIES.

POLITICS AND POLITICAL ECONOMY.

We have heretofore published in the pages of the Merchants' Magazine, several extracts from Mr. Parker's celebrated "Sermon of Merchants," which we have reason to believe have been well received by our readers generally. The Pulpit of to-day, should be made the medium of enforcing, freely and fearlessly, social reforms; and if the clergy expect to retain their power of doing good, or wish to secure the approbation of their own consciences, and the veneration and esteem of honest, noble-minded men, they will not timidly withhold their highest, convictions of truth and duty. The time when "fig-leaved" dogmas apparently satisfied the slumbering wants of men and women, is fast passing away, and they are beginning to aspire after a higher and more practical, tangible form of godliness. The Pulpit of to-day, must take up the golden rule of the Gospel, and apply its catholic spirit and teachings to the peculiar circumstances of the times. The Statesman in the Legislative Chamber, the Merchant in his Counting-House, or on 'Change, the Mechanic in his work-shop, and the Farmer in the field, must become high priests in the consecrated Temple of social, political, and commercial reform. Were this the place, we should be glad to extend our remarks, suggested by the publication of a discourse delivered at an ordination in Newburyport, by the Rev. WILLIAM HENRY CHANNING, entitled the "Gospel of To-Day ;" in which the preacher takes a broad view of the "converging tendencies of our age," rapidly, but comprehensively viewing the various forms of their development. The discourse, we understand, was listened to with intense interest; and we trust that it will find many earnest readers, as we feel quite sure that no true and generous-minded man can resist the force and influence of the pure truths and lofty eloquence which pervades its every page and paragraph. We shall be pardoned, we trust, for introducing in this place a brief extract, the most appropriate for those of our " parish" of merchants and statesmen who make legislation and political economy their study.

Liberalism is a movement so profound in its principle, so universal in its scope, that it would be profanation to compare with it the aristocratical republicanism of ancient days, or the middle ages. Its idea is the inalienable rights of man, as man; it reveres the sacredness of persons. Born in the Protestant recognition of the freedom due to individual conscience, nurtured by Christian views of duty and destiny, it has grown with the growth, and strengthened with the strength, of modern society, till its clear voice is heard everywhere, demanding that each nation shall be a congress of kings, where all members of the state are honored as sovereigns. How the conviction, that government is the embodiment of the collective wisdom of the people, has gone forth from the American and

French revolutions, to shatter and sweep away the strong-holds of privilege! Autocrats and monarchs make ready to come down from their toppling eminences, as they hear afar the earthquake tread of the rising millions. "Constitution!" "Trial by Jury!" "Free presses!" "Suffrage!""Representation!" these are the mighty words, at whose utterance phantom-forms of old abuses fold their robes of darkness round them and prepare for flight, while young faces of hope smile out from clouds made radiant by the good time coming. The Chartist plants his Saxon foot upon the floor of the British Parliament, and the yoke of the Norman baron is broken; and, from the heaps of blood-stained ashes where she sits in chains, Poland shall yet arise, and, putting off her weeds of mourning, welcome home her scattered orphans. Very slow, but very sure, draws nearer the day of Jubilee, when every dispossessed hireling shall reclaim his birthright. The law of liberty must rule the world. But who so well as the citizen of this republic can tell the dangers and temptations of democracy? Notoriously, the strongest passion trained under our institutions, is a conceited self-love. We are a restless, jealous, aspiring, ostentatious, opinionated people. A jostling crowd, we rush to every open door of opportunity, all eager for the first chance, in honor preferring ourselves. Rude familiarity, or affected exclusiveness, is put on in place of respectful courtesy. Each measures himself on his stilted pretensions, as his fellow's equal. We choose for legislators, not the wise and upright, whom worth makes modest, but the pliant demagogue, who can most easily be bribed to serve our interests; and the fickle multitude, in its rush for emolument and party power, tramples on the sanctity of the law.

The reverent desire of sanctions for order, finds its expression in Legitimacy, which now, throughout Europe, props its tottering claims by the failures of this professedly free nation to fulfil its boasts. Each Sabbath-day, myriads of serfs ask benedictions on tyrants, as their "Fathers on Earth," while far away in the mines of Siberia, the exile ut ters his dying malediction beneath the knout; and young heads, grown white in the dungeons of Spielberg, are lifted to gaze through grates upon the sky, as the prayer is whispered, "How long! O Lord, how long!" Yet who is insensible to the truth of the doctrine, which even radicals are brought by experience to acknowledge, that government in its very essence is Divine? What right can there be in the universe, to rule, underived from Supreme justice? Can imagination form a conception of hell so vivid as that which the infuriated recklessness of a mob actually presents? Is it not clear as the day, that true liberty is found only in obedience to law? And is there any one so dead to the noblest feelings of humanity, as not to have experienced the deep joy of loyal service? The foundations of legitimacy, in the principles of human nature and the system of Providence, are too firm ever to be shaken. In every heart there is an instinctive longing for leaders worthy of chivalric devotedness. The Divine plan of society is evidently that of honorable distinctions, not of levelling equality. And the very reason for ridding earth of the decrepit hereditary executives, and the puppet-show aristocracies of the past, is, that the time has come when God's delegated rulers-his monarchs animated by genius, his nobles entitled by goodness, step forward to take the seats of power, which shadows have too long usurped. More and more does each day make it apparent that the only true warrant of authority, is usefulness. Very strange, grotesque,' even, are the symbols of the change which this most obvious, yet most forgotten, truth is working. The old trappings of rank are kept as are show-dresses in a theatre or carnival, but the wearer varies with the hour. The bankrupt patrician's blood is merged by marriage in the grandchild of the rich plebeian; and the peaceful weaver, who clothes a people with his cottons, walks in state among the armor-suits of buried knights who once set their mail-clad heels upon the necks of peasants. Meanwhile, the transfer of power goes on, from the idler to the worker, from the spendthrift to the producer. The strong hand of industry plays with the bauble of a sceptre, which a grasp would crush, because it is still a convenient token of influence; but that strong hand, in fact, guides the secretary's pen and the marshal's baton. The kings behind the thrones of the old world, are bankers; and a yote of the broker's board gives its cue to the ministerial budget. Even in this popular government, the forecast of a shrewd merchant or monopolizing manufacturer suggests the plan, which, commended by eloquence to the scheming fancy of the business world, determines at length, in legislative halls, the measures, character, fate, of the republic. In a word, who does not know, that, in the process of supplanting mock power, feigned legitimacy by real legitimacy, money is now the ruler over men? It is the era of Political Economy. Thanks, however, to the rapid developments of civilization, this era is on the wane. We are in the last phasis of free competition; and joint-stock corporations begin to swallow up with rapacious maw those who have fattened upon respectable swindling, ironically designated commercial speculation. Wonderful age! when puffs and advertising pave the way to public confidence; when, by the jug

glery of swift exchange, he who yesterday was penniless, is to-morrow a millionaire ; when the bankrupt who meets but a tenth of his obligations, is admired as prudent, while the honest trader, who pays all his debts, is pitied for ruinous improvidence; when the "whole duty of man" resolves itself into the ingenious rule of keeping up appearances. But a truth, never again to be forgotten, has this age of steamboats, railroads, magnetic telegraphs, manufactories, and chemistry applied to agriculture, taught; even this-that the appropriate sphere of the politician, is the production, distribution, and expenditure of wealth. The most trusted statesman of to-day, is the man of largest, soundest, quickest business judgment. Even now, the legislative orator is chiefly valuable for his skill in explaining to popular apprehension the bearings of reports, in which hard-working committees condense the results of statistical tables, and the testimony of practical men. Is the time distant, when the dilatory and expensive system of filtering the experience of farmers, mechanics, operatives, through the meshes of legal quibbles, will resolve itself into some simpler mode of calling together in council the industrials of the land? By common consent, all civilized states are coming to acknowledge-the most civilized firstthat the one problem of politics, strictly so called, is, in our day, the Organization of Industry.. He is a superfluous legislator who cannot throw some light upon that question. And it rapidly becomes more evident, that if the theorists of the nations cannot answer the Sphinx's riddle, "Why does the poverty of the masses grow with the accumulation of riches by the few?" the people themselves will practically solve it, by a re-distribution of landed property, and a new sliding-scale of wages, graduated according to labor and skill, as well as capital; and, above all, a system of equitable commerce, whereby the mere go-between will not absorb both the worker's gains and the consumer's means, while adulterating the article of transfer. Many most pregnant lessons of wisdom has this era been teaching, to those who will listen, by its failures and frauds, monopolies and repudiations, its men made cheap, and bread made dear; its iron-limbed, tire-fed monsters, battling with the muscles and nerves of hungry human beings; its laborers underbid by each other in the market for a master; its children privileged to toil for starving parents, who seek in vain for honest employment. And among these lessons, stands this, as Alpha and Omega of social prudence, that man is more than a money-making machine, and though bound to nature by his physical frame, he is yet more bound to his race by kindly affections, and to the spiritual world by reason and conscience. Yes! the final word of Political Economy, is, that the law of" supply and demand" is a delusive guide, even a devilish incantation, unless fulfilled and interpreted by the two central laws of Humanity and of Heaven, "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself;" "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and mind, and strength."

THE COMMERCIAL INSTITUTE, OF CINCINNATI.

We know of no commercial school in this country, in which mercantile law is taught as a branch of commercial education, except the institution of Messrs. Gundry and Bacon, at Cincinnati, the prospectus of which lies before us.

In the law school of Harvard University, and that of Yale College, there is a distinct Mercantile Department, or course of lectures on Commercial Law, for the benefit of those who intend to become merchants. There is certainly the same, or equal propriety, and the same utility, in introducing a legal department into a commercial school, as in teaching commercial jurisprudence in a law school.

This novel, as well as excellent feature of Messrs. Gundry and Bacon's establishment, is but one of many evidences afforded by their prospectus of their large and enlightened views of the true end and aim of mercantile education. Their entire system is comprehensive. With a thorough course in penmanship as the first requisite, (if not higher than all others, at least prior-a pre-requisite,) their plan embraces Book-keeping by Double Entry, Commercial Calculations, Commercial Correspondence, and Commercial Law. In their instructions upon commercial law, Mr. Gundry, who has charge of the department, follows, we perceive, the excellent method of Smith, in his Compendium of Commercial Law, treating the subject under the heads of the Persons, Property, Contracts, and Remedies, of the Mercantile Relation. We know of no better text-book that could be used than this excellent work, a new American edition of which, by the way, has just been

published, under the able editorship of Mr. Holcombe, of the Cincinnati Bar, and was noticed in a late number of the Merchants' Magazine.

Such are the evidences which Cincinnati is yielding us, that her zeal for the growth of intelligence among her merchants keeps pace with the growth of their material prosperity. The long list of pupils whose names are signed to a testimonial of their confidence in Messrs. Bacon and Gundry as teachers, proves at once the extent of their labors and the satisfaction they have given.

We congratulate the young men of the West upon the opportunities a commercial school like this affords them of a true preparation for the duties and privileges of the noble calling of the merchant;-a calling which, if entered upon and pursued with thorough preparation and large views, is truly useful as well as noble; but if used only as a gainful art of petty shifts and devices, is a disgrace to the man and a curse to the community.

THE DRY-GOODS CLERK.

We copy from the "DRY-GOODS REPORTER," a weekly sheet, devoted almost exclusively to that branch of trade, the following communication of an intelligent correspondent, which contains suggestions deserving the attention of merchants and clerks generally :

No single subject connected with the dry-goods trade demands a more serious consideration than the present condition of the clerks engaged in its various branches. Upon the honesty, capacity, and exertion of the clerk, the success of the merchant greatly depends. His good or bad conduct may either make or mar our present plans or future prospects. These, we believe, are truisms which are generally adunitted. It behooves us, then, as sound and discreet merchants, to do all in our power to promote his interest; and, as one step toward the attainment of so great a desideratum, we would suggest that an association of dry-goods clerks should be formed, under some appropriate name, which society should embody all the points of the present system of odd-fellowship, together with the addition of the following, viz:

That each and every clerk, when thrown out of employment through any cause, save and excepting misconduct, should be entitled to draw a certain sum weekly, for six weeks. No qualifications should be necessary to entitle any one to membership, except honesty and morality; these two points of character should be rigidly insisted on; and the most effectual manner by which we could arrive at the first qualification; would be to require from the applicant a certificate of honesty from each and every employer he has ever lived with, and for the second, inquiry and report. Should an application be made by a person coming from any country-town or other city, let him produce a certificate from his former employer, and that employer's good standing be vouched for by the mayor or selectmen of said town or city.

All who are conversant with the trade, more especially of the large cities, are aware that the amount lost annually by the dishonesty of clerks, amounts to a very large sum." Now this dishonesty operates as seriously to the disadvantage of the honest clerk as to the employer. The tinsel and glare of a city life draws towards it not only the ambitious country-clerk, but the city is also the refuge of the distressed, and the El Dorado of the rogue. The new world is standing with outstretched arms, and wooing towards her the denizens of every clime. And we are proud to say that, among the multitude of foreigners who are thronging our marts of trade, there are many whose thorough business education is highly advantageous to us; yet, with this beneficial class, come many whose biography, correctly written, would show that "they had left their country for their country's good." Suppose, for example, a young man is detected in pilfering from his employer in Europe -he has been heretofore a valuable clerk; his history, from youth to manhood, is identified with the success of the house whose confidence he has outraged-the feelings of that house will, notwithstanding his errors, lean towards him, and the thought that transportation would not retrieve their loss, but merely gratify their revenge, will induce them, even when unswayed by Christian principles, to exclaim, "go, and sin no more." In fact, instances are not wanting to prove that compromises have been effected in Europe with persons who were steeped to the very gills in crime, and legal proceedings quashed, on the condition that the culprit would emigrate to America. This culprit prepares himself, and goes to a friend→ and no man is so degraded that he has not, at least, one friend--he tells him that he is about to leave the country, and emigrate to America; and, through the ignorance of this friend of the cause of his emigration, or under the soleman promise of entire reformation, he obtains a letter of introduction to a respectable firm on this side of the Atlantic. He comes: his

gentlemanly appearance, his perfect acquaintance with the details of the trade, as drawn, probably, from his experience in first-class houses in Europe, are strong recommendations. His letter of introduction gives him a reference, and he easily obtains a situation. And thus this man, who was an ingrain villain before he left his native land, becomes one of the dry-goods fraternity, and his superior accomplishments enable him to successfully carry out his nefarious practices.

Now, I submit it, is it not for the interest of the honest young man, (whether native or foreign born,) that the rogues of the business should be ferreted out, and driven from the trade? Would not the profession rise, in point of respectability, in consequence? Is it not the case, that a stigma is cast upon all engaged in the business by the conduct of these evil-doers? And if so, let us, by adopting some method of self-defence, draw a distinct line between them and us. The benefits of the proposed plan would be innumerable. No clerk would be subject to imposition from an employer, and he would be taken care of, when sick, from a fund that his own means had created; and a good understanding would be maintained between the clerks employed and the various stores. Thorough merchants could be employed to deliver series of lectures upon subjects connected with the business. The rogues being driven from the business, as they inevitably would be, the demand for clerks would be greater, and the pay proportionably increased.

The advantages to employers are fully equal to those offered to clerks; as, in case of such a society going into operation, the employer would be certain of having honest clerks. Recommendations, as to a man's capability, are of little account, as conversation and trial will prove this; but an all-important knowledge is requisite-which a series of years alone could prove-and that is proof that he is honest. Under the operation of the proposed plan, a young man applies for a situation: the first question put to him would be," Are you a member, in good standing, of the Dry-Goods Association?" If the answer is yes, and he produces his certificate, the merchant is perfectly posted up as to his honesty, and the engagement is effected with perfect confidence on both sides. An obligation should be entered into by each member belonging to the association, to expose any malpractices on the part of any clerk belonging to the society. Each accused member should be suspended, but allowed a trial by his peers, and, if found guilty, expelled; and, if innocent, fully reinstated in his former good standing. All employers should be allowed to join, upon payment of such sum as may be agreed upon, but debarred from the privilege of a vote; but still their initiation fee would serve to swell the receipts of the treasury; and, by joining, the employer would be enabled at all times to judge of the truth of the statements of a person applying for employment. The jobbers and importers are interested, inasmuch as the present clerk is to be the future merchant, and in the character and standing of said clerk, they are at least interested prospectively.

CONSULAR REGULATIONS OF THE REPUBLIC OF URUGUAY.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, Nov. 29th, 1847. The following articles from the consular regulations of the Oriental republic of Uruguay, are published for the information of those whom they may coneern, viz:

18. Captains of vessels, foreign and national, sailing from ports where consuls of the republic are established, and bound for ports of the republic, are required to have their manifest of cargo, or statement that they are in ballast, their letter of health, and roll of equipage, certified by such consul.

Under this provision will be comprehended the passports of passengers, as well as of powers of attorney, judgments, protests, certificates, and all other papers to be used judiciously.

19. Captains who contravene the provisions of the preceding article, will be subjected to the payment of the consular fees, which should have been paid at the place of their departure, and to other requisites and penalties determined by law.

PHILADELPHIA BOARD OF TRADE.

At a quarterly meeting of the members of the Board of Trade, held on the 21st of October, 1847, it was

Resolved, That the Quarterly Meetings of the Association be dispensed with; the members having the privilege of attending the stated meetings of the Board of Directors.

It was also Resolved, That the Directors of the Board be requested to take into consideration the propriety of petitioning the Legislature, at its next session, for the repe al of the law which imposes half pilotage upon vessels trading to our port; and (should the y deem it expedient) adopt such measures as may be necessary in the premises.