XXIV. The subject continued, with an answer to an objection con- cerning standing armies-Hamilton..... XXV. The subject continued with the same view-Hamilton. XXVI. The subject continued with the same view-Hamilton. XXVII. The subject continued with the same view-Hamilton.. XXVIII. The same subject continued-Hamilton.. XXXI. The same subject continued-Hamilton.. XXXII. The same subject continued-Hamilton.. XXXIII. The same subject continued-Hamilton. XXXIV. The same subject continued-Hamilton.. XXXV. The same subject continued-Hamilton.. XXXVI. The same subject continued-Hamilton... XXXVII. Concerning the difficulties which the Convention must have experienced in the formation of a proper plan-Madison.... 194 XXXVIII. The subject continued, and the incoherence of the objections to the plan exposed-Madison. . XXXIX. The conformity of the plan to republican principles: an objec- tion in respect to the powers of the Convention examined- XL. The same objection further examined--Madison XLI. General view of the powers proposed to be vested in the Union XLIV. The same view continued and concluded-Madison... XLV. A further discussion of the supposed danger from the powers of the Union to the State Governments-Madison.... XLVI. The subject of the last paper resumed; with an examination of XLVII. The meaning of the maxim which requires a separation of XLVIII. The same subject continued, with a view to the means of giving efficacy in practice to that maxim-Madison.. XLIX. The same subject continued with the same view-Hamilton... 278 L. The same subject continued with the same view-Hamilton... 282 LII. Concerning the House of Representatives, with a view to the qualifications of the electors and elected, and the time of service of the members-Hamilton ..... LIII. The same subject continued, with a view to the term of service LIV. The same subject continued, with a view to the ratio of repre- LVI. The same subject continued, in relation to the same point- LVII. The same subject continued, in relation to the supposed ten- dency of the plan of the Convention to elevate the few above LVIII. The same subject continued, in relation to the future augmen- tation of the members-Hamilton.... LIX. Concerning the regulation of elections-Hamilton.. LX. The same subject continued-Hamilton.... LXI. The same subject continued, and concluded-Hamilton....... LXII. Concerning the constitution of the Senate, with regard to the qualifications of the members; the manner of appointing them; the equality of representation; the number of the LXIII. A further view of the constitution of the Senate, in regard to the duration of the appointments of its members-Hamilton. 345 LXIV. A further view of the constitution of the Senate, in regard to the power of making treaties-Jay... LXV. A further view of the constitution of the Senate, in relation to LXVI. The same subject continued-Hamilton... LXVII. Concerning the constitution of the President: a gross attempt to misrepresent this part of the plan detected-Hamilton.. 368 LXVIII. The view of the constitution of the President continued, in LXIX. The same view continued, with a comparison between the Pres- ident and the King of Great Britain, on the one hand, and the Governor of New York on the other-Hamilton......... 377 LXX. The same view continued, in relation to the unity of the Ex- LXXIII. The same view continued, in relation to the provision concern- ing support, and the power of the negative-Hamilton..... 401 LXXIV. The same view continued, in relation to the command of the national forces, and the power of pardoning-Hamilton........... 407 LXXV. The same view continued, in relation to the power of making LXXVI. The same view continued, in relation to the appointment of the LIIII A further view of the Julieni department, in relation a ne provisions for the support and responsicuity of the Judges LIII. A further view of the Furial department, in relation to die LIIII. A further rew of the Juheial department, in reiamon 0 Tibe distribution of its authority-Hamiton.. LXXXL A farther view of the Judicial department, in reference to some miscellaneous questions-Hamilton.. LXXXIIL A further new of the Judicial department, in relamon the Letters of Cassms James Sullivan... Lemera of Agrippa-James Antrag Rephes to a Landhcider-Ebridge Gerry Lester of a Landhcuter-Chiver Elsworth. The Letters of Cer-Lexander Hamita The Letter of my they-Boners Yaes Cory Remarks on the Constitution-Eugh Henry Brackenlige. Cheermazione in the New Constance, and on the Federal and State Con- Fesque of the State of New York. Bra Plebens-Mei Letters of Fates on the Federi Cocotitaco-Viên Dickson. Letter on the Federal Coastieto-End Randriph.. Observances of the System of finnernens proposed by the hate Conven- ONETES ce George Mawe's Chronikas to the Federal Constitum, I An Address to the Freemen of Scrash Car ase the Federal THE FEDERALIST. NUMBER I. BY MR. HAMILTON. INTRODUCTION. AFTER full experience of the insufficiency of the existing Federal Government, you are invited to deliberate upon a new Constitution for the United States of America. The subject speaks its own importance; comprehending in its consequences, nothing less than the existence of the UNION-the safety and welfare of the parts of which it is composed-the fate of an empire, in many respects the most interesting in the world. It has been frequently remarked, that it seems to have been reserved to the people of this country, to decide by their conduct and example, the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or not, of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether they are forever destined to depend, for their political Constitutions, on accident and force. If there be any truth in the remark, the crisis at which we are arrived may, with propriety, be regarded as the period when that decision is to be made; and a wrong election of the part we shall act, may, in this view, deserve to be considered as the general misfortune of mankind. This idea, by adding the inducements of philanthropy to those of patriotism, will heighten the solicitude, which all considerate and good men must feel for the event. Happy will it be if our choice should be directed by a judicious estimate of our true in terests, uninfluenced by considerations foreign to the public good. But this is more ardently to be wished for, than seriously to be expected. The plan offered to our deliberations, affects too many particular interests, innovates upon too many local institutions, not to involve in its discussion a variety of objects extraneous to its merits; and of views, passions, and prejudices, little favorable to the discovery of truth. Among the most formidable of the obstacles, which the new Constitution will have to encounter, may readily be distinguished the obvious interest of a certain class of men in every State to resist all changes which may hazard a diminution of the power, emolument, and consequence, of the offices they hold under the State establishments: and the perverted ambition of another class of men, who will either hope to aggrandize themselves by the confusions of their country, or will flatter themselves with fairer prospects of elevation from the subdivision of the empire into several partial Confederacies, than from its union under one Gov ernment. It is not, however, my design to dwell upon observations of this nature. I am aware that it would be disingenuous to resolve indiscriminately the opposition of any set of men into interested or ambitious views, merely because their situations might subject them to suspicion. Candor will oblige us to admit, that even such men may be actuated by upright intentions; and it cannot be doubted, that much of the opposition which has already shown itself, or that may hereafter make its appearance, will spring from sources, blameless at least, if not respectable-the honest errors of minds led astray by preconceived jealousies and fears. So numerous indeed, and so powerful are the causes, which serve to give a false bias to the judgment, that we, upon many occasions, see wise and good men on the wrong as well as on the right side of questions, of the first magnitude to society. This circumstance, if duly attended to, would always furnish a lesson of moderation to those who are engaged in any controversy, however well persuaded of being in the right. And a further reason for caution, in this respect, might be drawn from the reflection, that we are not always sure, that those who advocate the truth are actuated by purer principles than their antagonists. Ambition, avarice, personal animosity, party opposition, and many other motives, not more laudable than these, are apt to operate as well upon those who support, |