ship would be inflicted on married men if sent to a distance from their homes, and subjected to the control of strangers. He recommended the postponement of the Bill till the next Session of Parliament, and in the mean time advised, that the amended Bill should be distributed throughout the country, that the sense of the people might be collected upon it, after the most mature consideration. He deprecated as much as any man the present mode of administering the Poorlaws; it was directly at variance with the principle of the law of Elizabeth; and the cause of that deviation arose from the very high price which wheat obtained many years ago, when it varied from 307. to 451. per load. The mischief was occasioned by the farmers at that time not advancing the wages of their men in proportion to the advance in the price of wheat; which induced the Magistrates, from humane motives, to adopt the allowance system. He was of opinion, that great evils would arise out of the Bill, particularly in respect to workhouses. He was sorry to vote against it; but it professed to take away power from the local authorities, and place it in the hands of strangers; and, much as he disliked the present system, owing to the maladministration of it, he would rather go on with that than have this Bill. not so inclined to adopt the suggestions | tween the rich and the poor wider than of those who differed on the principle of it had ever hitherto been. A great hardthe measure, though he himself had been ready to meet the views of those who generally approved of the Bill. The question for the House to decide was, whether any other measure which could be devised would effect the object sought to be attained? Whether they should continue the present system of Poor-laws, or adopt this measure? It was said, that great discretionary powers were given to the Commissioners. Undoubtedly there were; and it was necessary to give them, because if they attempted, under the present administration of the Poor-laws, to fix any precise time at which these changes should take place, the effect might have been in the first place (though he believed such a plan would have been impracticable) to create danger. But by giving these discretionary powers of bringing this measure gradually into operation, the effect (as he hoped) would be, to diminish the Poor-rates, but not to diminish the subsistence to the labourer. He believed that this measure would go to improve the condition of the labouring classes, while the present system went to destroy their independence and to demoralize them. It was asked how this Bill would do good to the landed interest if it did not diminish the amount of money to be given to the labourer. It would improve the condition of the farmer, by improving the habits of the labourer. The money which was given to the independent labourer as wages ensured better work on his part, than when half his earnings were doled out to him as an allowance from the parish. The hon. member for Wiltshire had made a statement in reference to the average rate of wages, in different places; but he could say, that statement was incorrect. The average rate of wages in the north of Nottinghamshire was 13s. per week; in Northampton, 9s., which gave nothing like the sums per year stated by the hon. Member. He would not however further detain the House on the present occasion. The House having supported this Bill by large majorities in its various stages up to that moment, he hoped that on this occasion of the third reading they would give the measure the same support. Mr. Leech said it was impossible, in reflecting on the nature of this Bill, not to feel that it must render the breach be Mr. O'Connell said, that as this Bill did not relate to that part of the British empire with which he was more immediately connected, he should not have said one word upon this motion, except that he wished to state why he voted against the third reading of this Bill. He did so because it did away with personal feelings and connexions, because it erected an unconstitutional tribunal, and because it gave an accumulation of votes to the wealthy over the poorer classes. Notwithstanding, he felt that the evils of the present system were great, this most unconstitutional measure would, in his opinion, increase the evils. Sir Charles Burrell could not agree with the noble Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that there was anything in this Bill which went hand in hand with the 43rd of Elizabeth. Mr. Tower, while he admitted that the existing state of the Poor-laws called for amendment, expressed his regret that he The House divided on the original question:-Ayes 187; Noes 50; Majority 137. Bill read a third time, and various Amendments were proposed; some were added to the Bill, others were rejected, and the Bill was finally passed. List of the NOES. could not consistently support the mea- Iveral passages in illustration of his views sure under consideration. from well known writers. In South Africa, it was considered the most meritorious action a European could perform, to shoot the natives. The introduction of civilization, therefore, instead of proving a blessing, had proved a curse to the Aborigines of the different countries, into which we had carried what we called the blessings of civilization. It was high time that some measures were adopted, with the view of arresting the rapid decrease which was taking place among the native inhabitants of the colonies. Justice and humanity alike required it. He (Mr. Buxton) would not, at this late period of the Session, move for a Select Committee to inquire into the matter, because he was satisfied that his right hon. friend, the Secretary for the Colonies, would be willing and ready to give every information in his power on the subject. He would content himself with moving, "that an address be presented to his Majesty, praying that he would be graciously pleased to cause an inquiry to be made into the state and condition of the native inhabitants in and adjacent to colonies under the dominion of Great Britain." O'Connell, Maurice Robinson, G. R. Attwood, M. Attwood, T. Bainbridge, E. T. Baines, E. Baring, II. Blackstone, W. S. Rider, T. Brotherton, J. Burrell, Sir C. Cobbett, W. Duffield, T. Duncombe, W. Egerton, W. T. Faithfull, G. Fielden, J. Fitzsimon, C. Fryer, R. Guise, Sir B. W. Gully, J, Halcomb, J. Halse, J. Hardy, J. Wilks, J. Hughes, H. Young, G. F. Humphery, J. Kennedy, J. TELLERS. Leech, J. Vyvyan, Sir R. Walter, J. Benett, J. PAIRED OFF. Tennyson, Charles COLONIES ABORIGINAL TRIBES.] Mr. Fowell Buxton in rising to move for an inquiry into the state and condition of the aboriginal tribes of countries in, and adjacent to, colonies under the dominion of Great Britain, said, that he would not at that late hour trouble the House by going into any details on the subject of his Motion. He would content himself by stating, that in every place where we had established a colony, the native inhabitants, instead of being benefited, were injured by our presence among them. In every British Colony, without exception, the aboriginal inhabitants had greatly decreased, and still continued rapidly to dwindle away. This was the case in Australia and Africa and in North America, and as had been remarked by a Mr. Hamilton, British brandy and gunpowder had done their work in thinning the natives. The hon. Member quoted se Mr. Secretary Rice did not know of any mode in which he could more strongly express his assent to the propositions and principles laid down by his hon. friend, than by seconding the Motion which he had made. He was prepared to furnish the hon. Gentleman with all the information which he possessed on the subject. He held in his hand a number of valuable documents, which he would have great pleasure in laying before the House; and if his hon. friend should think_proper next Session to bring forward a Motion for a Committee of inquiry, he would most willingly support it. But while he thus expressed his cordial approval of the principles which the hon. Gentleman had advanced on the subject, he must differ from him as to the amount of the evils to which he had referred. There must be evils to a certain extent, consequent on the introduction of civilization into a savage country, and these evils, though he could not hope that they could be done away with altogether, he would use every exertion to reduce. Mr. Pease was happy to hear the speeches of both the hon. Gentlemen. It afforded him particular pleasure, and he was sure it would do the same to the The Motion agreed to. HOUSE OF LORDS, MINUTES.] Petitions presented. By Lord FARNHAM and Better Observance of the Sabbath.-By the Marquess of from a Number of Places,-for Protection to the Estab the Separation of Church and State. country, to see the promptitude and cor- | means; they should protect from interdiality with which the right hon. Secre- ruption all those who were anxious to tary for the Colonies concurred in the observe the Lord's Day by an attention opinions expressed by the hon. member to religion. That day had been wisely for Weymouth. instituted as a day of rest; man's body required relaxation from usual labours one day in seven, and on that day his mind might, without injury to his necessary calling, be devoted to religious exercises. At all events, the Legislature should take care that individuals were not compelled to have this day-which not only Divine Law had established as a day of rest, but which medical science had discovered to be absolutely necessary for the preservation of man's health-broken in upon by worldly employment. At present many of the lower classes were compelled to work for the benefit or the pleasure of the higher classes-such as the fishmonger, the baker, the poulterer, and others whom he might mention. He wished to provide against this abuse, and for that reason he was anxious to see the Bill pass which was on their Lordships' Table. He did not wish to restrict, but to benefit the poor; he had just borne testimony against the labour which the higher classes imposed upon some of the lower classes on a Sunday; and he assured the House that his chief object was, to prevent the recurrence of that evil in future. He knew that those who supported the side of the question which he was advocating were often called uncharitable, and were accused of a desire to curtail the amusements of the poor. The accusation was unjust. He desired no such thing, for he knew, that the question of the amusements of the people must be left to the good feeling of the people at large. The petitioners prayed their Lordships to amend in some respects the Bill now upon their Lordships' Table, they approved of some parts of the measure which the noble and learned Lord (Lord Wynford) had introduced, but they objected to some of the details, as those details appeared to give a legal sanction to the continuance of certain trades on the Sunday—a matter which, in the opinion of the petitioners, ought to be avoided, The right reverend Prelate presented Petitions from places in Derbyshire; from Shrewsbury, and Burslem, in favour of a measure for the better observance of the Sabbath. OBSERVANCE OF THE SABBATH.] The Bishop of London, in presenting a petition to their Lordships on the Observance of the Sabbath, said, he regretted to observe, as he thought he had, the growing inattention to the subject, and he feared he must add, from what had passed in another place, the growing disinclination to yield even to the increasing importunity of the people any legislative protection for the better observance of the Lord's Day. It was from no motive of affected sanctity, from no spirit of Puritanism, but from a feeling of humanity, of charity, and of the soundest policy, that he made such an observation. He was one of the last persons in the world who was anxious for the mere statutory enforcement of religious duties, being fully convinced, that that was the most unlikely way to obtain the object he had in view, and being well assured, that any such attempt must in the present state of the world be unsuccessful; but the observance of the Lord's Day was placed under different circumstances. There was no Christian country in which that day was not solemnly observed; and it was the duty of a Christian community to afford to all classes of the people the means of observing it, consistently with their own religious tenets. He was not one of those who wished, by the force of an Act of Parliament, to make people go to Church and say their prayers; the Legislature should take care that every person had the opportunity of doing that. Their Lordships were bound to see, that every man had the means of discharging his religious duties, and they ought to protect him against any encroachment upon those Lord Wynford said, that after the difficulties which he had already met with in endeavouring to pass this Bill the custody of the officer on the payment of your fees. If any other person than myself had been the individual against whom the violation of the privileges of this House had been committed, I should have been disposed to dwell at greater length on the unparalleled enormity of this offence; nor am I to be deterred by a false delicacy from giving that offence its proper appellation, merely because I was the individual against whom it was di through their Lordships' House-after the resistance which he saw offered to another measure in the other House of Parliament -and after finding that those who approved of the principle of the Bill objected to some of the details, he almost despaired of being able to pass the Bill he had introduced. Considering all these things, it would be as well for him at once to declare that it was not his intention to go further with the present Bill, but rather to wait for that which was now in its pro-rected. It was an offence directed not gress through the other House of Parlia ment. BREACH OF PRIVILEGE-MORNING POST.] Lord Wynford moved, that the Order of the Day for the further consideration of the petition of Thomas Bittleston be read. The Order of the Day and the Petition were read. Lord Wynford moved, that Thomas Bittleston be brought to the Bar of the House in custody of the Usher of the Black Rod; and that, having acknowledged his offence, and expressed his regret for it, he should be reprimanded by the Lord Chancellor, and discharged, on payment of his fees. The Motion was carried. Mr. Bittleston was brought to the Bar in the custody of the Deputy Usher of the Black Rod. The Lord Chancellor addressed him in the following terms:-Thomas Bittleston, you have acknowledged that you are the publisher of a composition which this House has unanimously pronounced to be a gross violation of its privileges. You have acknowledged that you had the superintendence and control of the paper in which the publication of that composition was made, and that you could have prevented its publication, or have altered its composition, if you had so thought fit. You have since presented a petition to this House expressing your regret for the grave offence you have committed, and you have thrown yourself on the mercy of this House, praying that in administering the justice due to itself, and due to the King's subjects at large-for its privileges are the privileges of those subjects-it would be pleased to temper that justice with mercy. The House has listened to your prayer, and has directed me to reprimand you at the Bar of the House, and to order that you be discharged from against the man, but against the officenot the office of a Peer in his Parliamentary capacity, but against a Peer in the exercise of his judicial office-the highest office which any of the King's subjects can exercise; and if such an offence could be passed over without animadversion and due punishment, there would be an end to the judicial authority which this House administers to twenty millions of the King's subjects living within the United Kingdom, being the highest Court of Justice in this kingdom. Nevertheless, enough has been said to express the unanimous feeling of reprobation entertained by this House with regard to the composition of which you have acknowledged yourself the publisher; and let nei ther you nor any other person who hears of this, flatter himself, that if such an offence is repeated, the lenity of this punishment will be suffered to form any the slightest precedent for visiting again with the same lenity any after offence of a like kind. You are hereby discharged from the custody in which you now are, on the payment of your fees. Mr. Bittleston retired. POOR LAWS' AMENDMENT.] Mr. Ellice and others from the Commons brought up the Poor Laws' Amendment Bill. Earl Grey moved, that the Bill be read a first time, and stated that it was his intention to move the second reading on Monday next. The Earl of Malmesbury felt it impossible to avoid making a few observations on this important Bill in the present stage. Their Lordships were in the sixth month of their sitting, and they were now called on to consider a measure which yielded to none in importance that had ever occupied the attention of Parliament-not even the Reform Bill: for it was impossible for any man to foresee what would be the result of the present Bill, if ever it should be 1067 Poor Laws' Amendment. {LORDS} carried into operation. He looked upon it | to their Lordships, whether a change in -and he trusted he was right in doing so the administration of the existing laws had as not being a party measure; but he most not worked wonders as respected the condeeply lamented the course which his dition of a vast number of parishes, both Majesty's Government had been pleased in the country and in this metropolis? to follow with respect to it. The Bill He was confident, from the knowledge he embraced three distinct subjects-viz., possessed of the mode of transacting relief, settlement, and bastardy, which, in business in that House, that justice could his opinion, it would have been much not be done the Bill, if their Lordships better to have dealt with in three separate should determine to begin the considermeasures. If this plan had been adopted, ation of its various enactments in the he was aware that the Bill relating to month of July. He, for one, should not relief must of necessity have originated in be able to be present during the discusthe other House, but the other two Bills sions in Committee, and he thought that might have been introduced in the House the attendance of any great number of of Lords, and have been disposed of before Peers was not to be expected at so late a the present time; for since Easter their period of the Session. There was no part Lordships had had little else to do but to of the Bill to which he could give his unlisten to the tedious proceedings connected qualified approbation. He could neither with the Warwick Bill. The Bill which give his assent to the enactments relating had just been brought up contained not to relief, settlement, nor bastardy in parless than ninety clauses, and it was reason- ticular. He could not help calling their able to suppose, that their Lordships would Lordships' especial attention to this last devote a long period to its consideration. subject, and he trusted they would legisOn the 17th of April last the Bill was late with respect to it as men. He apbrought in by the Chancellor of the Ex-pealed to their feelings as men, and he asked chequer, and it had consequently remained under discussion in the other House for no less a period than seventy-six days. If their Lordships should devote the same time to its consideration, the Session would be prolonged to the middle of the month of September; and even then there would remain other very important questions for deliberation. He thought it would be a far wiser and more just proceeding as re-provement had already taken place in the garded the poor, whose interests were administration of the existing law, and he involved in the present measure, to let it had no doubt that a still further improvement might be expected in the course of stand over till next Session, and thus an opportunity would be afforded, which had the ensuing year, in consequence of the not as yet been given, for the proper under- suggestions of the Commissioners and standing of the proposed enactments. the example of well-regulated parishes. He admitted, that great abuses prevailed Under these circumstances, would it not in the mode of administering relief to the be better to allow the matter to rest until poor, but he had always thought that those next Session, instead of passing such a abuses arose more from the mal-adminis-mass of enactments as was contained in tration, than the defect of the existing law. He was sure, that every one of their Lordships who had paid any attention to the subject would admit, that within the last three years a very great improvement had been made in the A administration of the Poor-laws. diminution in the amount of the poorrates of three and a-half per cent had, in fact, taken place during the last year. He was aware that that diminution might in part be attributed to the fall in the price of provisions: but he would appeal them, whether they would throw upon the unfortunate seduced woman the whole burthen of maintaining her child, and allow the seducer to stalk abroad with perfect impunity? He repeated, that at the present period of the Session the Bill could not meet with proper consideration, and he saw no imperative necessity for its passing in the present year. A great im the Bill on the Table, and with not a word |