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because Russia refused to concur in the measures adopted by them, that, therefore, she had been guilty of bad faith on the occasion. Russia fully concurred with this country and with France as to the principle of carrying that treaty into effect-it only differed from them as to the means of effecting that object. Russia did not differ from France and England simply and individually on that occasion-she differed in conjunction with Prussia and Austria; and they differed from England and France upon fair and legitimate grounds. He was ready to admit, that if the case should arise contemplated in the resolution proposed by the hon. Gentleman, it would then be the duty of his Majesty's Government to suspend the payment of this money. But he would say, that no such case had arisen. Even if any hon. Member thought it was likely that such a case would arise, he was sure that such hon. Member would agree with him in the opinion that it would not be wise or fitting for Parliament to say beforehand that we should suspend those payments, in anticipation of Russia violating her engagements. He entertained no anticipation that Russia would violate her engagements. He was sure that it was the determination as well as the policy of Russia to fulfil its engagements in reference to Belgium. But even supposing, that such an anticipation should prove well founded, he thought that the House should yield to the executive Government the responsibility of considering what course should in that case be pursued. If it appeared that the Government then neglected its duty, and continued the payment of this money, it would be open to the hon. Member, or to any other hon. Member, to call the Ministers before Parliament; and if they did not afford a satisfactory explanation of their conduct, to call on Parliament to pronounce a censure upon them. On the present occasion, as he could not give a negative to the abstract principle laid down in the hon. Member's resolution, he would move the previous question upon it.

Colonel Davies said, that concurring in what had fallen from the noble Lord, he would support the Amendment. In his opinion Russia had done nothing to render the stipulations under which this money was now paid forfeited. At the same time he must say, that it had always been his opinion that since the separation of Holland from Belgium, Russia had no legal right to this money. Parliament, however, and the Law Officers of the Crown had decided

otherwise. Another objection in his opinion to this Motion was, that it would afford a second Parliamentary sanction to the legality of those payments.

Mr. Hume agreed with the hon. Mem ber, that Russia had no legal claim to this money after the separation of Belgium from Holland, though he voted at the time for the Bill under which the payments were made as a matter of policy. Of this he was certain, that Russia had not fulfilled the conditions under which those payments were guaranteed to her. He would ask the noble Lord whether the differences which existed between Belgium and Holland might not long ago have been put an end to, if Holland had not been encouraged to hold out and resist through the secret influence and machinations of Russia? The conviction on his mind was, that the influence of Russia had been chiefly, if not solely exercised, to prevent a settlement of that question. He was aware, that we were not in a position to prove this against Russia, but it was nevertheless a notorious matter, and he was of opinion that under such circumstances this country would be fully justified in withholding the payment of this money, seeing that Russia had not fulfilled the conditions according to which its payment had been stipulated. Though he could not vote for the Resolution proposed by the hon. member for Westminster, he thought it right to state his opinion on the subject.

Colonel Evans would not press his Motion to a division. He had not brought it forward to express the slightest disapprobation of the noble Lord's policy; on the contrary-especially as regarded the Peninsula it had his highest approbation.

Previous question agreed to.

PARLIAMENT IN IRELAND.] Mr. Bish rose to move, pursuant to his notice, that an humble Address should be presented to his Majesty, praying "that he will be graciously pleased to hold his Court and Parliament occasionally in that part of the kingdom called Ireland." Such a proposition was no party measure; it was, on the contrary, one which might be supported by all sides of the House-by Whigs, Tories, and Radicais, by Protestants and Catholics, by men of every religion, and of every shade in politics, by Repealers and antiRepealers in short, by all the Members in that House. He was sure that, if a Repeal of the Union should take place, it would be the ruin of the country. He

liament occasionally in Ireland would be, that they might reduce the standing army, as the country would become quiet, and party spirit would be done away with. At the present moment, party spirit ran high in Ireland, and it was but recently that the Lord-lieutenant and his secretary were insulted at some of the party dinners in Dublin, and persons holding official situations were known to join in the insult. If he (Mr. Bish) had the power of the Government, he would soon send such persons to the right about. He thought, that the hon. and learned Gentleman, the member for Dublin, and his party, did not show good policy in always abusing the Whigs, and saying, that they never did anything. To be sure, there was not much love lost on either side, for the Whigs called him and his party demagogues, agitators, disturbers, and, if not traitors, within seven-eighths or fifteen-sixteenths of traitors. He remembered that the day after the speech of Mr. Stanley on the Coercion Bill, when he (Mr. Bish) went into the city, the question of every one to him was, "Where did you sit?" "Did you hear Stanley's great speech? How brilliant he was! Those fellows must be put down." Others had very kindly said,

himself had been in Ireland, and he could speak from personal observation as to the condition of that country. He could say, from what he saw, that it was in a most desperate, in a most deplorable-indeed, he might almost say, in a disgusting state. If this alteration were adopted, it could not of course come into operation sooner than twelve months; and, in the mean time, even then the greatest advantage would be produced by it, as the command that would go forth to get their House in order, and the other preparations that would be made for holding a Parliament in Dublin, would give employment to a great portion of the people of Ireland. If this Motion were granted, that great stumblingblock in the way of the improvement of Ireland, the absentees, would be removed; and, unless they sent back the absentees to Ireland, it never would be quiet. To get them back, the land must be made habitable for them, and the absentees would not go back at present, because they were in danger of having their throats cut every week. It had been stated, on good authority, that nineteen-twentieths of the land of Ireland belonged to absentees; and it was not, therefore, to be wondered at that the country was in such a state. Though he did not complain of the Magistracy of Ire-" It would be a very good thing if Ireland land, yet he thought that, if Ireland had a resident gentry, there might be more satisfaction. Many of the right hon. Gentlemen on the Bench opposite knew nothing of Ireland-several of them had never seen it; the only Irish Gentleman in the Cabinet belonging to the Government was at present out of Parliament. The truth was, that all places abroad were well known to them; but the most that many Irish Gentlemen knew of their own country was the shortest way out of it. In a case of this kind the expense that might be incurred, by the adoption of such a measure, was not comparable to the advantages that would flow from it; and the expense would, in a short time, be reimbursed by those advantages. The consequence of holding a Par-lieutenants and the Secretaries. liament occasionally in Ireland would be, that absentees would return there, and that capital would settle there, there being no country better adapted than Ireland, if it were peaceable, for the advantageous employment of capital. There was, at this moment, a large quantity of English capital ready to be embarked there; but, until the country was quiet and property secure, no Englishman would venture his property in it. Another effect from having a Par

were swallowed up in the ocean." But those things would not do. Now let them adopt his plan of conciliation. It could be effected in a short period of time. Perhaps a twelvemonth might be necessary, in order that the place might be put in order. He had seen both Houses of Parliament before the Union. He had been in Dublin before the Union, and it was a gay and lively city then. But what was it now? It looked just as if the cholera had taken possession of it. It might be said, that there would be great inconvenience produced by having two seats of Government, but he did not think so. He considered, that a good deal of mischief had been done to Ireland by the Lord

Those Gentlemen generally pulled different ways, and, if they managed to get popular, then their recall arrived. When it was considered what a complete, binding, and real union would then take place between the two countries, by marriages and intermarriages, and that such sociability and such a blending of the two people would be the consequence, he was sure it would be admitted, that no wish would then exist for separation. Ireland would then be like a

live in cellars and garrets, instead of their own houses. He was aware that he had made a very rambling speech, but he was, nevertheless, much indebted to the House for the attention which had been bestowed upon him. He had not thought proper to ask any hon. Gentleman to second the Motion with which he should conclude, and which he should leave the House itself to dispose of. The hon. Member then moved, "that an humble address be presented to his Majesty that he would be graciously pleased to hold his Court and Parliament occasionally in that part of the United Kingdom called Ireland."

Mr. Ruthven rose, on the spur of the moment to second the Motion of the hon. Member who had just sat down,—a Motion to which he was sure no Irishman could object, but, on the contrary, every Irishman would receive it with delight, inasmuch as, if adopted, it would enable the people to see the monarch who ruled over them more frequently than was at present their good fortune. He regretted, that the proposition should have been received with that mirth which its importance did not merit. He must, however, state, that even if the Motion were carried, the demand of the people of Ireland for repeal would not be put down, for they sought not a partial Parliament, but a permanent Legislature sitting on College-green. He would not trouble the House further than to second the Motion.

county in England-like Kent or Gloucester. I member said, that they were compelled to They need not trouble themselves, then, to be charitable to Ireland; she would not want our charities. Sir Walter Scott had made Scotland known to England. Before he introduced her to the notice of the public by his excellent writings she was an obscure and impoverished country. Now, every one went to Scotland, and her natural beauties were highly relished. Why should not Ireland have the same good fortune? He saw no reason. If the Parliament went over, no doubt new markets would spring up. If the Court were to go there, and the Parliament were to go there, they would find the country in every way adapted for them. No doubt new watering places, such as Brighton, Margate, Hastings, and Tunbridge-wells, would also be built there, and he had no doubt that there was plenty of mineral and other waters in Ireland for their gratification. Such a course of proceeding would add immeasurably to the wealth and security of Ireland. He thought it would be advantageous and agreeable to the King himself thus occasionally to visit his Irish dominions. For his part, he never could understand why the King should be confined, as at present, in a State prison. Before his Majesty came to the throne he could do what he pleased, and go where he pleased, and nobody took any notice of him. Much good might be done by his Majesty's travelling through the country. There was no doubt that it would be an inconvenience to some hon. Members to be obliged to attend a Parliament in Dublin, but, to the great majority of them, it would not, as, when they left their homes, it was of little consequence to them where they went. The inconvenience would, in some degree, be balanced by the convenience that would arise to the Irish Members by Parliament sitting in Dublin. He had himself lately heard the hon. and learned member for the city of Dublin draw a moving picture of the inconvenience to which Irish Members were exposed in being dragged over to attend the Parliament here. He could not state the eloquent terms then used by that hon. and learned Member, but he could mention the substance of them. That hon. and learned Member complained, that they were dragged over here from their homes and their families, that they were transported to a foreign country, obliged to sit in a House of foreigners, to submit to the dictation of foreigners, and, to complete their misery, the hon. and learned

Mr. Lalor felt bound to support the Motion, and he hoped the hon. Member would press it to a division.

The Motion was negatived without a division.

OFFICE OF POSTMASTER-GENERAL.] Mr. Wallace had to bring under the notice of the House, a subject which he should not at present have introduced, were it not from the peculiar situation in which the matter stood. He alluded to the propriety of putting the office of Postmastergeneral under the management of a Board of Commissioners. This course had been strongly recommended by the reports of no less than three different Commissions of Inquiry, and he was satisfied it would not only be beneficial to the public service, but also a measure of very great economy. By the office being put in Commission, a saving and increase of revenue would be effected, amounting together to not less than 200,000l. or 300,000l. per annum; and he

therefore would entreat the Government | Having found it to be his duty to wait to make the experiment. Without having personally on Dr. Bowring, one of the regard to the actual outlay, he hesitated not authors of the report just put into circulato say, that three efficient Commissioners tion, on the commercial relations with could be found to discharge the duties for France, including Post-office arrangements the salary which had hitherto been paid to of course, and who had just returned from the Postmaster-general, and thus would be that country, that Gentleman had assured secured the services of three men of busi- him of the Duke of Richmond having ness, instead of one Peer of Parliament, been no less liberal and generous in the whose duties to his country in the other late great achievement than the indivibranch of the Legislature must materially duals representing the French Post-office. interfere with that close attention which The hon. Member concluded by moving, was necessary in the head of so important a" that an humble address be presented to department as the Post-office establishment. his Majesty, praying that he will be He felt it his duty also to state, that, in graciously pleased to place the office of the office of Postmaster-general, there was [Postmaster-general under the management not only a fearful responsibility, but also of a Board of Commissioners, as had been vested a most unconstitutional power with strongly recommended from time to time in immense patronage. That officer had the the reports made by three Commissions appointment of every person within the appointed to inquire into and report on the range of the Post-office establishment in management of the Post-office." England, Ireland, Scotland, and the colo- Mr. Hume seconded the Motion. His nies. That patronage had been, and might hon. friend had forgotten to state a very again be, made use of for political purposes, important reason why the Postmasterand thus produce an effect upon the repre- general should not be a political man, but sentation of every city, town, and district which had been mentioned by the Commisin the realm. The extent of patronage in sioners. In consequence of the PostmasterEngland alone was immense, as would ap- general being a political agent, he was pear from the circumstance, that the Post- changed with every Administration, and master-general had the appointment of not the result was, that the management of the less than 1,500 postmasters, besides all the department was left in the hands of the subordinate servants employed by each. Secretary. This had been the case for the By placing the office in the hands of three last thirty-five years. He did not wish Commissioners the chief with a salary of to say anything harsh of the individual who 1,000l. per annum, and the other two 8001. held the office of Secretary, and he adeach, an effectual benefit and advantage mitted that, during the time that Sir F. would ensue to this branch of the public Freeling had held that office, he had assiservice, and many of those blots and evils duously attended to and faithfully diswould be removed to which, on an early day, charged his public duties. It was impossible, he should feel it his duty in his place more however, for any one to doubt, who had particularly to advert. He could not avoid read the Reports on the Table, that there expressing his gratification at, and bearing was no department of Government in which his testimony to, the able conduct of the fewer improvements had been made during noble Duke who had recently seceded from the last fifteen years than in the Post-office. the office of Postmaster-general, with re- He did not allude to the last three o. gard to the communication with France. four years, in which time there certainly He must join also in thanking that noble had been made many desirable changes. Duke for the free transmission of the lite- If, however, the Post-office had been under rary productions of this country, and for the management of Commissioners instead that free intercourse which assisted in the of a Postmaster-general, he had no doubt extension of its literary knowledge over that a very different state of things would the whole of Europe, and especially that exist there from what obtained at premost important branch of literature, poli- sent. Had proper attention been paid, tical knowledge. For these advantages the present inequality of postage, which the country was indebted to the exertions caused so many complaints, would not and good feeling of the late Postmaster-exist. Why not manage the Post-office general, whose conduct, when lately in communication with the Post-office Department in France, he had ascertained to have been of the most conciliatory nature.

as the Excise, Customs, and Stamps, namely, have Commissioners, who should be directed to communicate with one of the Lords of the Treasury in cases of

emergency? He perhaps carried his no- the views he entertained on the subject. tions on the subject further than most He must deny, that the Reports bore such persons, and thought that the Post-office an inference, He would, however, exashould not be made a source of revenue mine the advantages which both the hon. in a well-regulated country, but merely Members said would be derived from a the means of imparting information. In change. In the first place, it had been the United States, a letter could be sent contended, that the Postmaster-general 2,000 miles for very nearly the same sum should not be a political officer. The hon. that was charged for a letter brought Member, however, had complained on a from St. Alban's to London. In a country former occasion, that the Post-office was like England, with its excellent roads not directly represented in Parliament. and other facilities of communication, the If this were to be done, it was absolutecharge for postage should be comparatively ly necessary that the head of it should little. At the present moment his Majesty's be in Parliament. With reference, howGovernment had the opportunity of mak-ever, to the appointment of Commissioners, ing this desirable change which the in- it was unnecessary for him to take up terests of the country called for. He did much time. All men who had been ennot so much regard whether three indivi- gaged in business must know, that authorduals, or one individual only, was appointed,ity in certain cases must emanate from an as that care should be taken, that ample individual; and, if a Board of Commistime was devoted to the business of the sioners were appointed, either the Chief office, and that no person having control in Commissioner or the Secretary must, in the department should be mixed up in certain cases, have a controlling voice. politics. He was sure, if the change which This was the case in the Excise, Customs, he had suggested was adopted, that the re- and Stamps, in all which Boards the venue would be increased, the inequality Chairman decided on important occasions. in the charge for postage would be removed; This was also the case at the Board of and, above all, that a great reduction would Treasury; at which the Chancellor of the be made in the charge for postage. He Exchequer, or, in his absence, the Secrewould also recommend, that the laws relative tary of the Treasury, had the greater into the Post-office should be consolidated, as fluence. It was not only desirable, but they were almost unintelligible at present.absolutely necessary, that such a controlMr. Vernon Smith admitted, that one strong reason had been urged for the present Motion, and in which he was sure that the whole country would concur, namely, the extreme difficulty that there would be in finding a person to discharge the duties of the office of Postmaster-man said, that the adoption of the change general so efficiently as they had been performed by the noble Duke who recently filled that office. The candid and manly manner in which that noble Duke treated all those who were called upon to transact business with him, had been a source of general gratification. During the short period of his own public life he never recollected a person with whom he had been called upon to transact business who exhibited more anxiety to perform the duties of his office to the satisfaction of the country, or who had better succeeded in attaining that object. To speak, however, on the question before the House, the hon. Gentleman could not imagine that the House could agree to the present Motion. The hon. Gentleman had stated that, if reference was made to the Reports of the Commissioners of Revenue Inquiry, it would be found that they all concurred in

ling power should exist. Again, the question of economy could be much better gone into when the document for which the hon. Member had moved was laid on the Table, as it would tend greatly to elucidate the subject. The hon. Gentle

he proposed would lead to a saving of between 200,000l. and 300,000l. How this was to be effected he had yet to learn; and he was sure that his noble friend (Lord Althorp) would feel very glad to lay his hands on such a sum. The hon. Gentleman seemed to assume, that it was much better to intrust a Board with patronage than an individual. That was also a mistake; and he was sure the House would concur with him in thinking, that it was much better, that the patronage should be placed under the control of one individual, responsible to Parliament, than under three or four persons, who might easily shuffle the responsibility of their official patronage from one to the other. He was anxious that the discussion as to the advantages of a Board of Commissioners should be postponed to a future occasion, when they would have the advantage of the attend

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