the war. After such delusions, after a waste of the most liberal and unrestrained grants from parliament, what are we now called together for? Why! ministry has the effrontery to apply for voluntary contributions, unconstitutional benevolences, and urge their request with an open avowal that this country is in danger of a hostile attack from its natural enemies, who have hitherto availed themselves of these advantages which we have thrown into their hands by our own folly, oppression and cruelty. This, indeed, was obvious, was predicted, was warned against at the beginning of the dispute, but was ridiculed as an idea which only the gloomy brain of patriotism could conceive or cherish. But, Sir, if such really is our condition, why is our security to be rested upon troops raised in the Highlands of Scotland, who are to act in conjunction with those of the very loyal towns of Manchester and Liverpool. For what purpose was the militia established: to what end was an act passed, impowering His Majesty to call it out upon the present emergency? Why is the service of that constitutional body of forces, the natural security of this country, not called for at this time? As a Briton, as an inhabitant of Norfolk, and as bearing a commission in that corps, I feel this indignity; every member of it in the kingdom'must feel, and ought to resent it. I would wish to discountenance this and every like attempt of the kind, as having a tendency to protract, instead of bringing to a speedy' issue this unnatural, fruitless, and ruinous war, which is now acknowledged by the authors of it to have reduced us to a state of insecurity, to the verge of a precipice. It is not, Sir, that any sum of money which shall be raised here will avail, or even be auxiliary to the purpose avowed, it is not intended, nor expected it should, by the proposers; respecting America it will be innocent, it will be as the small dust of the balance; but the countenance, the weight, the authority of the county of Norfolk is wanted to give a sanction to measures which we ought to reprobate, and to support men in places who have given the most glaring proofs of incapacity and temerity, and afforded the strongest presumption of being inimical to the constitution of the kingdom, and whose removal will be a considerable step to bring about what every one seems desirous of, and what I am sure we are all interested in, peace and reconciliation with America. I do therefore give my protest against the scheme that has been proposed, as I trust will most Gentlemen of property, judgment and independency. Mr. Coke, member for the county, declared his concurrence in those sentiments. Lord Townshend replied, in vindication of the part he had taken; and with an avowal of that sincerity in his conduct which we may presume is universally allowed him, he said, that he was no minister nor acquainted with the secrets of the cabinet, he was only a titular counsellor, but that could he conceive there was a single member of it, who possessed the malignity of heart which had been imputed to them, no man would more readily concur to reprobate and procure his dismission; that he had the honour to have taken an active part in reviving that respectable and constitutional body the militia, and would, upon any requisite occasion, relinquish every other engagement, to act as an officer in that corps, but that the calling the men from their families, from their looms and other occupations, might at this time be attended with consequences injurious to the manufactures and agriculture of the kingdom. He concluded with a handsome and liberal eulogium on the abilities and comprehensive knowledge, the elegant and nervous elocution which the Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Windham) had displayed upon this occasion, and candidly assured him he was convinced that he spoke from principle and conviction; His Lordship presaged, that the county of Norfolk would derive advantage and himself - honour from the maturity of judgment and integrity of heart which the Honourable Gentleman had given this signal and early proof of. Mr. De Grey, a Groom of the Bedchamber, and son to the Lord Chief Justice, replied to that part of Mr. Windham's speech which asserted, that any mode of furnishing the Crown with money not under the controul of parliament was illegal, and contended that neither the letter nor spirit of the 13th of Charles the Second would be violated by the subscription proposed. He was supported by Mr. Charles Townshend, one of the Joint Vice-Treasurers of Ireland, who expressed a concern that national prejudices should yet be cherished, and that whilst it was acknowledged that the Highlanders were engaged in rebellion against the present establishment, it ought also to be remembered that they were employed and distinguished themselves with honour againts the common ́enemies of this country in the late war. After these altercations, the Gentlemen who did not approve of a subscription withdrew, and those who remained entered their names with the several sums affixed; the dissentients then returned to the Swan, where a protest was agreed to and subscribed, and some other resolutions formed of which an account will be given in a future paper. (B.) Page 27. To those of the citizens of Norwich, who are most likely to be affected by an increase in the price of provisions, and to whom a hand-bill, containing what is called " Mr. Windham's Speech, c." may be supposed to be addressed. MY GOOD FRIENDS, THOUGH it is with great reluctance that I offer any remarks on the paper above alluded to, or confess so far the author's powers of mischief, yet the wish of standing well in your opinion, and of vindicating myself against charges, which, if true, I should think very important, induces me to trouble you with a few words. On the author himself I have nothing to observe; about him there can be no difference of opinion. Whatever weight any of you may be inclined to give to the contents of the paper, no one can mistake the purpose or character of the writer, or hesitate to pronounce, that as the means he uses are the most base, the motives by which he is actuated are the most mean and malignant. The plain object of the paper is to excite against me your resentments, as one who would have increased the present price of provisions by sending out of the kingdom that grain which was wanted for our own necessities*. My Friends, whatever judgment you may form of my conduct, you shall, at least, not have to complain, that I do not deal openly by you. So far from wishing, as the author of the paper would insinuate, to conceal the part I have taken, I am ready not only to avow my conduct in the fullest ex * Wheat was 328. to 33s. 6d. Rye 135. to 148. Barley 11. to 128. per comb. Best flour 49s. per sack. - tent, but to assure you, at this instant, and upon mature reflection, there is no part which I do not perfectly approve. What I have either thought, felt, or acted upon the occasion, is this. I wished, in common, I conceive, with every one else, that the state of provisions in this country might have been such as to allow of our affording some relief to the distresses of our neighbours. I thought. (and have not yet changed my opinion) that the state of our provisions was such; and that we might have given the relief asked, without the effect being felt in this country at all. But, at any rate, I thought we should enquire, whether it was so or not; that we may not be deterred by imaginary dangers; and, if we could do nothing else, might at least show to the French, that we had the wish to assist them. For this reason I proposed, that a committee should be appointed to inquire, what change might have taken place since the sitting of the former committee.-Now, my Friends, what do you see in all this that should be deserving of blame? Are any of you so selfish, narrow-minded, or vindictive, so unlike Englishmen, not to say Christians, as to maintain, that, because the French and we are rival, and often hostile nations, that you would not furnish them in their distress with a morsel of bread, even though you should have enough remaining for yourselves? Will you go so far as to say, that you would not assist them unless that were the case: in other words, that if any inconveniences, however small, was to arise from it to yourselves, you would leave them to perish in their distress? If such only is your charity, it cannot be said to be entitled to any high commendations. But supposing you did restrain your bounty within limits so unworthy, would have been prepared to say, and that too without inquiry, that such a pittance as they asked, namely, less than one day's consumption of this country, could not have been granted without increasing the price of grain to our own poor? I you |