send it. I however, told him, that my Government made no secret of their policy, in regard to this business, and that I had no objection to inform him that our Minister at St. Petersburgh, had been directed to express to the Emperor their full conviction, that the Contest between Spain and the Colonies must be considered as finally settled in favour of the latter Party; their persuasion that the interest of Spain, and the general good of the civilized World, would be promoted by the early acquiescence of His Catholic Majesty in this result, and their wish that The Emperor, should He also entertain these opinions, would unite with them in advising and requesting the Spanish Government to put an end to the War, by an acknowledgment of the Independence of the Colonies. I took this opportunity of informing the Minister, more precisely than I had done before, that what I had already suggested to him in favour of this Measure, must be considered as expressing the wishes and policy of my Government, and not my own individual sentiments, which I should not, of course, think of intruding upon His Majesty's Cabinet. I told him that I was formally instructed to avail myself of any suitable occasion, to suggest to him, with the delicacy required by the nature of the subject, the earnest desire of the Government of The United States, to see this long struggle brought to an amicable conclusion, and their complete conviction that all further efforts on the part of Spain, to recover the Colonies, must be wholly fruitless, and more injurious to herself, than

to them.

Mr. Zea seemed to be a good deal struck with these remarks, and I was inclined to suppose, from his manner, that he had considered what I had said to him before, upon the subject, as a merely personal communication. He replied that these proceedings of the Government of The United States placed him under the necessity of declaring, in the most positive manner, the King's unalterable resolution never to abandon His rights, and to reject all offers of Mediation, or of amicable intervention, which should contemplate an acknowledgment of the Independence of the New States. He said that they were, and always had been, ready and willing to accept any proposal for Mediation, or to treat directly with the Colonies, upon the Basis of their previous submission to the King's Sovereign Power; but that they would never consent to negotiate in any way, upon any other terms; that The King, being once satisfied on this head, would doubtless be disposed to grant His Subjects in America every favour and indulgence which they could possibly wish, but that they must begin by proving their loyalty, and their confidence in His Majesty's justice and good intentions. He wondered, that among the offers of Mediation that had been made from time to time, especially by England, none had ever been proposed upon this Basis. I told him that the reason probably was, that the British Government, as well as that of The United

States, considered the Independence of the New States as now firmly established, and were well aware that they would never treat upon any other terms, than an acknowledgment of it by Spain. I added, however, that I should be well pleased to know, if he were disposed to inform me, what concessions The King would be willing to grant to the Americans, in the event of their return to their Allegiance: as, for example, whether he would allow them to make their own Laws, in Legislative Assemblies of their own choice? My object in asking this question, was, of course, merely to obtain a more complete view of the intentions and dispositions of the Government upon the whole subject. He replied, that, as to legislative Assemblies, he was far from being satisfied that they would suit the condition of the Colonies, and that, in general, he thought the only safe course of the Americans would be to trust entirely and implicitly to The King's known good character. should have thought from this Answer, that my Question did not make a very favourable impression upon him. At the close, however, of the conversation, he recurred to it in such a way as induced me to think that he would have been glad to consider it as an indirect Overture from some of the Colonies. He said, after I arose to go, that the conversation had turned upon a number of delicate and interesting topics: that on such occasions it was not always possible to distinguish between remarks that were merely of a private and personal description, and such as were official; and that, in order to avoid mistakes upon that point, he should be glad if I would state, in writing, what my Instructions required me to communicate to him as the opinions and intentions of my Government, and especially any Propositions that I might be authorized to make, in the nature of an Overture from the Colonies, founded on the Basis of submission. I told him, that I had no authority, from any Quarter, to make Propositions of that description; but that I would, with pleasure, if he wished it, give him an official statement of what I had said to him, by order of my Government, in favour of the acknowledgment of the Independence of the New States. He replied, that he was ready to receive any Note that I might send him: but that on that head, The King's mind was completely made up, beyond the possibility of change. Notwithstanding this, I have thoughts of preparing and transmitting to the Minister, a pretty detailed Communication upon this subject. Such a Paper, if it does not produce much immediate effect upon the Spanish Cabinet, may, perhaps, in one way or another, have a favourable bearing on the general Question.

Previously to this interview with Mr. Zea, I had availed myself of such occasions as offered, to converse upon the same subject with the British and Russian Ministers. The former is Mr. Frederick Lamb, brother of Lord Melbourne, a Gentleman of about forty-five years of age, regularly trained to the diplomatic line, and apparently

well fitted for it by his talents and information. The latter is Mr. D'Oubril, who has also passed his life in the employment of a Foreign Minister, and has now reached the age of about sixty. He seems to enjoy the confidence of his Government, and last year took the place of Count Nesselrode, as Minister of Foreign Affairs, during an absence of the latter from St. Petersburgh, which lasted several months. Both these Gentlemen have shown, since my arrival here, every disposition to be on friendly terms with me, and have plainly manifested, by their attentions, the high esteem in which they hold the American Nation and character. Mr. D'Oubril, in particular, has been more civil than any other of the Diplomatic Body with whom I was not previously acquainted.

Mr. Lamb's sentiments in regard to the South American Question, are, of course, precisely the same with ours. I was desirous to ascertain, whether the British Government had lately made any attempts to urge Spain to a recognition of the New States, and questioned Mr. Lamb upon this point. He said he had had one or two conversations with Mr. Zea soon after his arrival, (he has been here about five months,) and stated the substance of what had passed between them. The Minister, it seems, gave to him the same answer which he has since given to me, and cited, to illustrate his argument, the same examples of Louis XVIII and Bonaparte. No offer of formal Mediation has been made by England since her recognition. Indeed her interest as a commercial and manufacturing Country, is now on the other side. The longer the War continues, the longer She enjoys a monopoly of the Spanish American Market for her fabrics, and the more difficult will Spain find it to recover Her natural advantages upon the return of Peace. England will, therefore, probably be very easy in regard to this matter, and will leave Spain to pursue, unmolested, the course she may think expedient. I suggested this Point both to Mr. Zea and to the Russian Minister, and was inclined to think, from what they said of it, that it had more weight with them, than any other consideration, in favour of recognition. They both admitted the justice of my remarks, and the great inconvenience that resulted in this way from the present state of things, and could only avoid the proper conclusion, by reverting to their common-places, of the probability of a return of the Colonies to their Allegiance, which they really seem to imagine will come about, sooner or later, without any effort on the part of either Spain or her Allies, and by the aid of some unlooked-for intervention of Divine Providence. I learned nothing material from Mr. L., excepting the fact that the British Government is now quiet in regard to this matter, and makes no attempts to influence the decision of Spain. He professed to have but little information as to the state of the Spanish Settlements in America, and having passed

the greater part of his life, including the last eight or ten years, on the Continent, has been, in fact, rather out of the way of obtaining it.

Mr. D'Oubril was somewhat guarded in his language, and did not seem quite willing to admit, that it was the decided intention of the Emperor to encourage Spain in her present System. He said that, individually, he did not by any means take the same view of the Subject which the Spanish Government did, and yet that he was not completely satisfied, that an immediate Recognition was the true policy. He cited, in his turn, the old instance of Louis XVIII and Bonaparte, and was far from being sure that the internal divisions which did, or would distract the Colonies, might not bring them again under the Spanish Government. He was aware, nevertheless, that Spain was daily and yearly suffering great injury from the effects of the present System, and that, by continuing it, she would probably lose her remaining Possessions in America, and her chance of ever obtaining a due share in the trade with that Continent, besides endangering her national existence at Home. This was making out a pretty strong case in favour of Recognition, but he still returned to his former text, that he considered the Question as extremely doubtful. In all that he said upon it, he professed to declare merely his own personal opinions and feelings, and, if I recollect right, did not say directly what language he was ordered to hold in his communications with this GovernIt is understood, however, that the influence of the Emperor has been employed in support of the present System; and the general impression which I received from his remarks, coincided with this opinion. Mr. D'Oubril's private sentiments may possibly be different. Both he and Mr. L. inquired of me respecting the late Overtures made by the President's order at St. Petersburgh, and appeared to have some, though not a very minute, acquaintance, with the language of your Instructions to Mr. Middleton. The Representatives of France, Holland, Sweden, Saxony, and Prussia, with whom I have had more or less conversation upon this subject, have all expressed themselves strongly in opposition to the policy of Spain. Even the Pope's Nuncio, and the Ambassador from Naples, seem to be of the American Party. The French, I suspect, are making pretty strong efforts in favour of the New States, but, on this point, I have at present, no very precise information.

ment.

The Hon, Henry Clay.

A. H. EVERETT.

(IV.)-MESSAGE of The President, to the Senate of The United States, March, 16, 1826.

To the Senate of The United States. Washington, March 16, 1826. SOME Additional Documents, having relation to the objects of the Mission to the Congress at Panama, and received since the communication of those heretofore sent, are now transmitted to the Senate.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

(1.)—Mr. Everett, Minister to Spain, to the Sec. of State.—(No. 15.) (Extract.) Madrid, November 21, 1825. AFTER conversing with the Duke (del Infantado), as much as was necessary, upon the direct Relations between the two Countries, the opportunity being favourable for a longer interview, I availed myself of it to introduce the subject of the Colonies, upon which I had not before said any thing to him. I told him that it was a part of my Instructions, to intimate to His Majesty's Government, in the most delicate manner possible, the full conviction of that of The United States, that the Question of the Independence of the Colonies was, in point of fact, settled; and their strong desire, that the War might, as soon as possible, be brought to a close. I inquired of him, whether there was at present any disposition in His Majesty's Cabinet towards a change of policy upon this subject. He replied in the negative; but did not express himself, to this effect, with the same fullness and decision that I had observed in Mr. Zea's communications. I presume, however, that this difference, which was certainly very percep tible and obvious, is rather owing to the difference in the characters of the Men, and their habit of expressing themselves, than to any actual intention in the Cabinet to yield; at least, I do not learn from any other Quarter, that such an intention is supposed to exist. The Duke said, that the matter was a delicate one; that he could easily imagine, how inconvenient and injurious it must be to The United States, to have this struggle constantly going on at their doors; and that he was not surprised or dissatisfied, that they should exert their influence in endeavouring to procure the termination of it, in the way which they thought just; but that The King could not yet resolve to abandon His rights, or give up the hope that these Countries would in one way or another be ultimately brought back to their Allegiance. I then suggested to him, particularly, the opinion entertained by the Government of The United States, that the loss of the Islands of Cuba and Porto Rico, would be the inevitable effect of the continuance of the struggle for two or three years longer; but that Spain, by making peace at once, might very probably retain them. When I made this remark to Mr. Zea, he answered, that The King did not consider these